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The Yuan Dynasty was established by the Mongols and ruled China from 1271 to 1368 CE. Their first emperor was Kublai Khan (r. 1260-1279 CE) who finally defeated the Song Dynasty which had reigned in China since 960 CE. Stability and peace within China brought a certain economic prosperity for some as Kublai and his successors promoted international trade which saw the now-unified country open up to the wider world. While there was peace in the western part of the Mongol Empire, Kublai launched two unsuccessful invasions of Japan and several others elsewhere in South East Asia. The Mongols' reign in China was finally ended due to a lethal cocktail of endless infighting amongst their leaders, inept and corrupt government which overspent and overtaxed, floods and famines. Peasant uprisings rumbled throughout the 14th century CE until one, led by the Red Turban Movement, toppled the Yuan and brought in a new regime, the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644 CE).

Kublai Khan & the Song

In 1268 CE Kublai Khan focussed on finally knocking out the Song Dynasty and establishing himself, as all nomadic leaders before him had dreamed of, as the emperor of China. The Mongols had already made several major attacks on Song territory, notably during the reigns of Genghis Khan (r. 1206-1227 CE) in 1212-1215 CE and of Mongke Khan (r. 1251-1259 CE) in 1257-1260 CE. Equipped with an army of over 1,000,000 men, a large naval fleet, and immense wealth, Song China would prove a stubborn opponent to the otherwise invincible Mongol military machine. The success of Mongol warfare across Asia had been based on fast cavalry, but the Song countered this by deliberately adopting a strategy of more static warfare and building great fortifications at key cities and river crossings. For this reason, it would take eleven long years for Kublai to pick off his targets one by one and finally batter the Song into submission.

The Mongols were helped by many Song generals defecting or surrendering their armies, and the fact the imperial court was beset by infighting between the child emperor's advisors. Ultimately, the empress dowager and her young son Emperor Gongzong (r. 1274-5 CE) surrendered along with their capital Lin'an on 28 March 1276 CE. The Song royals were taken prisoner to Kublai's new capital at Beijing (Daidu). Groups of loyalists fought on for three more years, installing two more young emperors in the process (Duanzong and Dibing), but the Mongols swept all before them. Finally, on 19 March 1279 CE a great naval battle was won at Yaishan near modern-day Macao; the Mongol conquest of China was complete. It was the first time that country had been unified since the 9th century CE, not that this was much consolation to the countless dead, robbed and displaced across China.

Establishing Government

Making himself emperor of China, Kublai gave himself the reign name Shizu and, in 1271 CE, his new dynasty the name 'Yuan', meaning either 'origin' or 'centre, main pivot.' The start date of the Yuan Dynasty is variously put at 1260 CE (Mongke's campaign), 1271 CE (first official use of the 'Yuan' dynasty title), 1276 CE (death of the last Song emperor and fall of the Song capital) or 1279 CE (final extinguishing of Song resistance).

Beginning with Kublai, Mongol rulers made some superficial attempts to appeal to their new Chinese subjects by adopting such traditions as emperor's robes, travelling in a sedan chair and surrounding themselves with Confucian advisors. The real power, though, remained in Mongol hands as key administrative positions in the newly created 12 semi-autonomous provinces that China and northern Korea (annexed in 1270 CE) was now divided into largely went to Mongols, especially to members of the very large Mongol imperial bodyguard. The traditional six Chinese ministries, in place since the Tang Dynasty (618-907 CE), continued as before, but there were Mongol institutions, too, like the Shumi Yuan or Ministry of War.

Kublai abolished the civil service examinations which would have favoured Chinese officials with their Confucian education (they were reinstated in 1313 CE but Mongols still received advantages). Although many Chinese officials continued to work as before, they were subject to random and secret inspections by Mongol-trusted censors. The Mongol regional official known as the jarquchi was appointed to Chinese territories, and these and representatives of the various Mongol clans made up a local government for each province. The Mongol police force, the tutqaul, was given the task of ensuring roads were kept free from bandits, and western Asians, particularly Muslims, were often given roles in the financial side of government such as finance ministers and tax inspectors.

A New Social Order

Kublai ensured that Mongols always gained an advantage in China by officially classing them as superior in rank to Chinese. The four official Yuan ranks, based on perceived loyalty to the Yuan rulers, were:

  • Mongols
  • Semu - people from Central Asia and/or speakers of Turkic languages
  • Hanren - northern Chinese, Tibetans, Khitans, Jurchen and others
  • Nanren - southern Chinese formally ruled by the Song.

Being a member of one of the above four classes had repercussions for an individual's tax status, their treatment by the judicial system and their eligibility for positions in the state administration (there was a 25% capped quota for southern Chinese, for example). Differences in treatment included northern Chinese being taxed by household while southern Chinese had to pay according to the area of land they owned. Punishments were a particularly striking area of difference with, for example, a Mongol found guilty of murder only having to pay a fine while a southern Chinese convicted of mere theft was fined and then tattooed as a criminal. The new law code introduced in 1270 CE, however, had only 135 capital crimes, half of those in the code used by the Song.

There were other measures of segregation, too, such as forbidding Chinese to take Mongol names, wear Mongol clothes or learn the Mongol language. Intermarriage was discouraged. Rather than being a solely racially-motivated policy, though, Kublai and his successors were most concerned with controlling their subjects, making it easier to identify who was who and ensuring there were no rebellions; Chinese were forbidden to carry weapons and congregate in public, for example.

At least traditional religions were permitted to continue as long as they did not threaten the state, although Buddhism was generally favoured over the traditional Chinese Confucianism. The Mongols' own preference for shamanism showed no signs of change, although Kublai himself converted to Tibetan (Lamaist) Buddhism.

Foreign Policy & Trade

Kublai Khan was particularly interested in re-establishing the Chinese tribute system which had been neglected during the latter part of the Song's reign. The system had states pay symbolic and material tribute to China's dominant position as the centre of the known world, the 'Middle Kingdom.' Not only was it a means to further legitimise his position as Chinese emperor but it could also bring in useful material goods and help expand international trade. There was also the matter that Mongol rulers legitimised their position through conquest and the distribution of booty to their followers to ensure loyalty and continued service. Kublai, then, embarked on a series of campaigns to bring China's neighbours back to their former position of subservience to the emperor.

In other parts of Asia, to the west, there was relative peace, the so-called Pax Mongolica, although there was a major rebellion in Tibet in the early 1290s CE, and the other descendants of Genghis Khan, especially the Ogedeids, continued to nibble at China's western borders. Nevertheless, the Mongols as a group, by forging an empire from the Black Sea to the Korean peninsula (even if it was now split into large khanates ruled by Genghis Khan's descendants) had managed to expose China to a wider world.

Of more concrete benefit to the Mongols and Chinese than world fame, the Yuan did promote international trade, too. Artisans and craftworkers were given a more elevated status than previously and given tax exemptions. Merchants, not being producers but 'exchangers,' had been discriminated against under the Song, and these, too, now benefitted from more favourable tax measures, low-cost loans and the end of sumptuary regulations.

The effect of these policies was to create a boom in crafts and trade, especially of silk and fine porcelain, the latter product now being supervised by a specific government agency, paving the way for the later Ming potters to gain worldwide fame of their own. Trade also brought a greater exchange of ideas and technologies such as Persian expertise in astronomical observations, maps, luxury textile weaving, and irrigation coming to China, and gunpowder weapons, printing, the mariner's compass, and paper money to the west. Islam also spread further to the east as merchants crisscrossed Asia.

Collapse & Ming Dynasty

By the mid-14th century CE, the Yuan rulers had been beset by a devastating combination of unusually cold winters, famines, plagues, and flooding of the Yellow River which all combined to bring hyper-inflation when the government tried to solve the problems of a damaged infrastructure by printing too much paper money. There followed widespread banditry and uprisings by an overtaxed peasantry. Worse, some of the local elites and provincial administrators in southern China were colluding with the bandits, smugglers and even religious leaders to take over entire towns. Yuan China was disintegrating from within.

The Yuan rulers had not helped themselves by squabbling over power, creating an overblown bureaucracy, and wasting revenue and land resources on a few favoured princes and generals. Most importantly of all, they failed to quash numerous rebellions, including that perpetrated by a group known as the Red Turban Movement, an offshoot of the Buddhist White Lotus Movement, led by a peasant called Zhu Yuanzhang (1328-1398 CE). Zhu replaced the Red Turban's traditional policy aim of reinstating the old Song Dynasty with his own personal ambitions to rule and gained wider support by ditching the anti-Confucian policies which had alienated the Chinese educated classes. Alone amongst the many rebel leaders of the period, Zhu understood that to establish a stable government he needed administrators not just warriors out for loot.

Zhu Yuanzhang's first major coup had been the capture of Nanjing in 1356 CE. Zhu's successes continued, and he defeated his two main rival rebel leaders and their armies, first Chen Youliang at the battle of Poyang Lake (1363 CE) and then Zhang Shicheng in 1367 CE. Zhu was left the most powerful leader in China, and, after taking Beijing, the last Yuan emperor of a unified China, Toghon Temur (r. 1333-1368 CE), fled to Mongolia and the old, now largely abandoned capital Karakorum. The Yuan would, thus, continue to rule in Mongolia under the new name of the Northern Yuan Dynasty (1368-1635 CE). Meanwhile, Zhu declared himself the ruler of China in January 1368 CE. Zhu would take the reign name of Hongwu Emperor (meaning 'abundantly marital') and the dynasty he founded Ming (meaning 'bright' or 'light').

reminders:

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  • 🐶 Join the unofficial Hexbear-adjacent Mastodon instance toots.matapacos.dog

Links To Resources (Aid and Theory):

Aid:

Theory:

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I have only a couple days left to get several documents, notarized and shipped out to my lawyers in order to receive a settlement. I’ve been awarded. Not being able to get this done would be devastating, this settlement would afford me to get myself, my significant other and a couple friends off the streets and out of homelessness. I estimate having three separate documents printed notarized and shipped priority or overnight if possible cost me about $40 per document so around $120 total. I’d be grateful for anything anyone could contribute to this and would even be willing to pay it back or pledged to help somebody else out with the same amount of money or more When I’m in the position to do so…

Thank you so much for your kindness!

Venmo Username- BlessedBiKindness https://venmo.com/u/BlessedBiKindness

Cash App Tag- $paresumluv

PayPal Username- bigwixi

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I tried Nextcloud a while back and was not impressed - I had issues withe the speed of the Windows sync that were determined to be "normal" with no roadmap to getting fixed. I'm now planning to move off Windows desktop so that won't be an issue - so I thought I'd try again.

I went to nextcloud.com, clicked on Download-> Nextcloud server -> All-in-one -> Docker image - Setup AIO. This took me to the github README at Docker section. I'm already running docker for other things so I read the instructions, setup a new filesystem for my data directory and ran the suggested docker command with an appropriate "--env NEXTCLOUD_DATADIR=". I'm then left with a terminal running docker in the foreground - not a great way to run a background server but ok, I've been around for a while and can figure out how to make it autostart in the background ongoing. So I move on to the next step - open my browser at the appropriate URL and I'm presented with a simple page asking me to "Log in using your Nextcloud AIO passphrase:". I don't have a Nextcloud AIO passphrase and nothing I've read so far has mentioned it. When I search for it I get some results on how to reset it, but not much help. I could probably figure that out too, but after reading some more I found that Nextcloud requires a public hostname and can't work with a local name or IP address. I'm already running my home LAN with OpenVPN and access it from anywhere as "local" - I don't really want to create a new path into my home network just for Nextcloud.

I'm sorry - I know this sounds like a disgruntled rant and I guess it is. I just want to check that I'm not missing obvious things before I give up again. All I want is a simple file sync setup like onedrive but without the microsoft.

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It was December, 2023, and Pierre Poilievre had started a speech to Bay Street executives by spelling out his aversion to them.

The audience took in the scolding with stony faces. You could have forgiven some of them, however, for having a good-humoured chuckle into their buffet plates of cod or chicken.

Shrewder listeners probably understood why Poilievre was casting them as aloof and indifferent aristocrats, while presenting himself as an intimate ally of the country’s aggrieved majority. A year and a half ago, it was still the season for targeting and tarring Canada’s elite, and this was kabuki theatre, using exaggerated, stylized gestures of combat to conjure a sense of conflict and confrontation—even though none existed.

After all, Poilievre was fresh from a flurry of private events at which precisely this crowd had donated thousands of dollars to rub shoulders with him. Just the night before, he had mingled with bankers, real estate investors, and corporate executives at a $16-million French-style manor that boasted an elevator, indoor basketball court, and a dressing room bigger than most downtown apartments.

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Colombian President Gustavo Petro announced that he will send letters to the presidents of Ecuador, Panama, and Venezuela, as well as to their opposition parties and grassroots social organizations, in an effort to reestablish the Gran Colombia. This vast republic, created by Simón Bolívar during the war of independence from Spain, existed from 1819 to 1831.

“I want to confess to you that this president wants us to revive Gran Colombia. And I even dare—knowing that we are not yet a majority, but we could be—to write letters to the presidents of Ecuador, Venezuela, and Panama, to their opposition parties, to their indigenous organizations, to their youth … so that we can meet again and rebuild the great Gran Colombia confederation. I believe this is a dream that should not be forgotten, one that did not die with [Simón] Bolívar,” said the president at a mass event this Friday, April 25.

He also emphasized that Bolívar “was absolutely right” to found the republic and that those who advocated for its disintegration “and those who destroyed that dream with weapons” were “wrong.” “If Gran Colombia existed today under the power of its people, the Caribbean would be the mare nostrum, as the Romans said—a hotbed of culture,” he added.

To kick off his plan, Petro proposed holding an intercultural meeting on the 500th anniversary of the founding of Santa Marta, the city where national hero Simón Bolívar died.

“There in Santa Marta, we can shout with a Bolivarian and libertarian voice that the dream of Gran Colombia is reborn, and we will not let it die,” he concluded.

Gran Colombia was a republic composed of the provinces of New Granada (present-day Colombia and Panama), Venezuela, and Quito (present-day Ecuador). The capital and seat of government were in Bogotá, while provinces retained local authorities accountable to the central government.

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TranscriptA threads post saying "There has never been another nation ever that has existed much beyond 250 years. Not a single one. America's 250th year is 2025. The next 4 years are gonna be pretty interesting considering everything that's already been said." It has a reply saying "My local pub is older than your country".

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Summary

India suspended the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty with Pakistan after blaming Pakistani militants for a deadly Kashmir attack that killed 26.

The treaty governs water flow to 80% of Pakistani farms. India plans to withhold river data, divert water via canals, and expand hydroelectric projects, sparking panic among Pakistani farmers already facing drought.

Islamabad called any water stoppage an "Act of War." Economists warn of severe impacts on agriculture, electricity, and livelihoods.

Experts say India lacks infrastructure for an immediate halt, giving Pakistan a short window to fix water inefficiencies.

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Been off and on here this month due to personal goings on and a shitty message on this comm that bothered me kinda, but yeah, got turned down for another job this month so here I am.

@Eric-Zann is my venmo, and paypal/zelle use my real name so DM me for those.

As always, thanks all! Care-Comrade

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Bring the Affinity Suite to Linux - #AffinityOnLinux

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In a highly scientific straw poll of the folks over at Ask Car Guys, pickup truck drivers voted on their pick for the “Worst Pickup Truck of All Time.” Take a look, it wasn’t even close.

(I CAN'T BELIEVE THERE IS CYBERSTUCK ON LEMMY AND NOBODY TOLD ME. AW, HELL, IT'S ON NOW )

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Job Interview Update

My Cash App is $QuingCrimson, and I have Venmo, Zelle, and PayPal as well. You can DM me for those. I really appreciate it!

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Across the country, a troubling trend is accelerating: the return of institutionalization – rebranded, repackaged and framed as “modern mental health care”. From Governor Kathy Hochul’s push to expand involuntary commitment in New York to Robert F Kennedy Jr’s proposal for “wellness farms” under his Make America Healthy Again (Maha) initiative, policymakers are reviving the logics of confinement under the guise of care.

These proposals may differ in form, but they share a common function: expanding the state’s power to surveil, detain and “treat” marginalized people deemed disruptive or deviant. Far from offering real support, they reflect a deep investment in carceral control – particularly over disabled, unhoused, racialized and LGBTQIA+ communities. Communities that have often seen how the framing of institutionalization as “treatment” obscures both its violent history and its ongoing legacy. In doing so, these policies erase community-based solutions, undermine autonomy, and reinforce the very systems of confinement they claim to move beyond.

Take Hochul’s proposal, which seeks to lower the threshold for involuntary psychiatric hospitalization in New York. Under her plan, individuals could be detained not because they pose an imminent danger, but because they are deemed unable to meet their basic needs due to a perceived “mental illness”. This vague and subjective standard opens the door to sweeping state control over unhoused people, disabled peopleand others struggling to survive amid systemic neglect. Hochul also proposes expanding the authority to initiate forced treatment to a broader range of professionals – including psychiatric nurse practitioners – and would require practitioners to factor in a person’s history, in effect pathologizing prior distress as grounds for future detention.

This is not a fringe proposal. It builds on a growing wave of reinstitutionalization efforts nationwide. In 2022, New York City’s mayor, Eric Adams, directed police and EMTs to forcibly hospitalize people deemed “mentally ill”, even without signs of imminent danger. In California, Governor Gavin Newsom’s Care courts compel people into court-ordered “treatment”.

Full Article

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Marriage, often romanticized as a sacred union, can be viewed through a critical lens as a construct of the societal matrix that entraps individuals in a cycle of responsibility and obligation. This institution creates an illusion of maturity and stability, leading individuals to believe that they are fulfilling their roles as responsible members of society. However, this perceived responsibility often translates into a relentless pursuit of productivity, where individuals labor tirelessly to support a system that benefits the few at the expense of the many. In this sense, marriage can be seen as a mechanism that perpetuates a cycle of servitude, binding individuals to a life of work and sacrifice.

The family unit, often seen as a source of love and support, can also serve as a breeding ground for conformity to societal expectations. Within this framework, individuals are encouraged to procreate, further entrenching the cycle of servitude. Children, from a young age, are indoctrinated into the values of hard work and obedience, trained to become compliant members of a system that demands their labor. This conditioning begins as early as three years old and continues into young adulthood, shaping their identities around the notion of being productive rather than empowered. As a result, many individuals grow up unaware of the true nature of their existence, believing that their purpose is to serve the matrix rather than to challenge or transcend it.

Moreover, societal pressures to marry and conform to traditional family structures can lead to significant emotional and psychological distress for those who resist. Individuals who choose to remain single or pursue alternative lifestyles often face ostracism and judgment, reinforcing the idea that deviation from the norm is unacceptable. This societal enforcement creates a ripple effect, where one person's entrapment in marriage leads to the coercion of others into similar bonds, perpetuating the cycle of compliance and servitude. In this way, marriage and family become instruments of social control, producing a generation of individuals who, often unknowingly, contribute to the perpetuation of a system designed to keep them subservient.

Ultimately, the institution of marriage, while often celebrated, warrants a critical examination. It is essential to recognize the ways in which it can function as a trap, binding individuals to a life of obligation and servitude. By questioning these societal norms and exploring alternative ways of living and relating to one another, individuals can begin to break free from the constraints of the matrix, reclaiming their autonomy and redefining their purpose beyond mere productivity. In doing so, we can foster a society that values individual freedom and self-determination over blind adherence to tradition.

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