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Maud Stevens Wagner (née Stevens; February 12, 1877 – January 30, 1961) was an American circus performer. She was the first known female tattoo artist in the United States.

Edward Christopher Sheeran (/ˈʃɪərən/ SHEER-ən; born 17 February 1991) is an English singer-songwriter. Born in Halifax, West Yorkshire, and raised in Framlingham, Suffolk, he began writing songs around the age of eleven. In early 2011, Sheeran independently released the extended play No. 5 Collaborations Project. He signed with Asylum Records the same year.

Swing Vote is a 2008 American comedy-drama film about an entire U.S. presidential election determined by the vote of one man. It was directed by Joshua Michael Stern, and stars Kevin Costner, Paula Patton, Kelsey Grammer, Dennis Hopper, Nathan Lane, Stanley Tucci, George Lopez and Madeline Carroll. The film was released on August 1, 2008.[2]

In modern English, sycophant denotes an "insincere flatterer" and is used to refer to someone practising sycophancy (i.e., insincere flattery to gain advantage). The word has its origin in the legal system of Classical Athens. Most legal cases of the time were brought by private litigants as there was no police force and only a limited number of officially appointed public prosecutors. By the fifth century BC this practice had given rise to abuse by "sycophants": litigants who brought unjustified prosecutions.[1] The word retains the same meaning ('slanderer') in Modern Greek,[2] French (where it also can mean 'informer'), and Italian. In modern English, the meaning of the word has shifted to its present usage.

The author was trying to shield themselves from the despair of political doomscrolling by reading books, but was dismayed to learn of Trump's plans to declare a national emergency and use the military to carry out mass deportations of undocumented immigrants. The author speaks with anti-imperialist veteran friends who remind them that this is not the first time Trump has threatened to deploy the military against immigrants, and that actually carrying out such a plan would be a logistical and legal nightmare, requiring a massive expansion of the prison system at immense cost. The author argues that the only reasonable response for active-duty soldiers is to refuse to carry out these immoral orders, drawing parallels to the G.I. resistance during the Vietnam War. They advocate reviving networks of support like "G.I. coffeehouses" to provide a space for soldiers to organize and resist. Experts emphasize that troops have a moral responsibility to disobey illegal and immoral orders, and that immigrants are not the true enemy - it is the ruling class elite who are stealing from the working class. The author acknowledges the impulse to retreat into escapism, but argues that now is the time to collectively challenge these dangerous policies.

Millard Fillmore (January 7, 1800 – March 8, 1874) was the 13th president of the United States, serving from 1850 to 1853, and was the last president to have been a member of the Whig Party while in office. A former member of the U.S. House of Representatives, Fillmore was elected the 12th vice president in 1848, and succeeded to the presidency when Zachary Taylor died in July 1850. Fillmore was instrumental in passing the Compromise of 1850, which led to a brief truce in the battle over the expansion of slavery.

Civil disobedience is the active, and professed refusal of a citizen to obey certain laws, demands, orders or commands of a government (or any other authority). By some definitions, civil disobedience has to be nonviolent to be called "civil". Hence, civil disobedience is sometimes equated with peaceful protests or nonviolent resistance.[1][2] Henry David Thoreau's essay Resistance to Civil Government, published posthumously as Civil Disobedience, popularized the term in the US, although the concept itself has been practiced longer before.

Various forms of civil disobedience have been used by prominent activists such as American women's suffrage leader Susan B. Anthony in the late 19th century, Egyptian nationalist Saad Zaghloul during the 1910s, and Indian nationalist Mahatma Gandhi in 1920s British India as part of his leadership of the Indian independence movement. Martin Luther King Jr.'s and James Bevel's peaceful nonviolent protests during the civil rights movement in the 1960s United States sometimes contained important aspects of civil disobedience. Although civil disobedience is rarely justifiable in court,[3] King regarded civil disobedience to be a display and practice of reverence for law: "Any man who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust and willingly accepts the penalty by staying in jail to arouse the conscience of the community on the injustice of the law is at that moment expressing the very highest respect for the law."[4]

In organic chemistry, a methyl group is an alkyl derived from methane, containing one carbon atom bonded to three hydrogen atoms, having chemical formula CH3 (whereas normal methane has the formula CH4). In formulas, the group is often abbreviated as Me. This hydrocarbon group occurs in many organic compounds. It is a very stable group in most molecules. While the methyl group is usually part of a larger molecule, bonded to the rest of the molecule by a single covalent bond (−CH3), it can be found on its own in any of three forms: methanide anion (CH−3), methylium cation (CH+3) or methyl radical (CH•3). The anion has eight valence electrons, the radical seven and the cation six. All three forms are highly reactive and rarely observed.[1]

The article discusses the response of liberal organizations like the ACLU to Trump's election in 2016, and how their messaging was ineffective at mobilizing people to take meaningful action. It criticizes Democratic politicians in Washington state for making symbolic declarations against "hate" while simultaneously enacting policies that harm marginalized communities. The piece argues that the U.S. government, under either party, is fundamentally committed to projects of empire, militarism, and oppression, and that voting or working within the system cannot address the urgent global crises we face. Instead, the author advocates for direct action, mutual aid, and other grassroots efforts to support and defend vulnerable communities, rather than relying on policy solutions or the courts to save us. The article emphasizes the need to divest from trying to reform U.S. institutions, and instead focus on caring for each other and attacking the infrastructures of violence and extraction. It acknowledges the risks of increased repression, but argues that resistance and bold action at the local level is our best hope for creating material change. Ultimately, the text concludes that we must let go of the fantasy that the U.S. government can be made to care for us, and instead devote ourselves to the unglamorous but vital work of supporting each other and building alternative forms of collective resilience and resistance. The stakes are high, but the author believes this is the only viable path forward.

Jamal Simmons, a former communications director for Kamala Harris, made an unlikely suggestion on CNN's "State of the Union" about how the vice president might still have a chance of becoming president in 2024. Simmons proposed that Biden could resign the presidency in the next 30 days, which would make Harris the president of the United States. Simmons argued that this move would keep Harris from having to oversee "her own defeat" when the presidential election is certified in the Senate, and "it would dominate the news at a point where Democrats have to learn" to grab the public's attention. However, there is no evidence that Biden would consider leaving office before the end of his term. Others have joked about Biden clearing a potential path for Harris, such as a co-host of "Pod Save America" saying that Jimmy Carter, who has been in hospice care for over a year, had said he was hanging on to vote for Harris. Simmons said that this would be a moment "to change the entire perspective of how Democrats operate," but not everyone on the panel was convinced, with one saying Simmons was "writing the new season of 'House of Cards.'"

The portrayal of Native Americans in television and films concerns indigenous roles in cinema, particularly their depiction in Hollywood productions. Especially in the Western genre, Native American stock characters can reflect contemporary and historical perceptions of Native Americans and the Wild West.[citation needed]

The portrayal of Native Americans in film has been criticized[by whom?] for perceived systemic problems since the inception of the industry for its use of stereotypes that range from violent barbarians to noble and peaceful savages.[1] A variety of images appeared from the early to mid 1930s, and by the late 1930s negative images briefly dominated Westerns. In 1950, the watershed film Broken Arrow appeared, which many credit as the first postwar Western to depict Native Americans sympathetically. Starting in the 1990s, Native American filmmakers have attempted to make independent films that work to represent the depth and complexity of indigenous peoples as people and provide a realistic account of their culture.[1] Contemporary Native filmmakers have employed the use of visual sovereignty, defined by Seneca scholar Michelle H. Raheja as "a way of reimagining Native-centered articulations of self-representation and autonomy that engage the powerful ideologies of mass media," to take back the right to tell their own stories.[2]

Before being elected president of the United States, Donald Trump had produced and hosted reality TV shows The Apprentice and The Celebrity Apprentice from 2004 to 2015. He also made dozens of cameo appearances in films, television series, and advertisements since the 1980s. He won the Worst Supporting Actor award at the 11th Golden Raspberry Awards for Ghosts Can't Do It in 1990, as well as awards for Worst Actor and Worst Screen Combo at the 39th Golden Raspberry Awards for his roles in the documentary films Death of a Nation and Fahrenheit 11/9 in 2019.