Palestine

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A community for everything related to Palestine and the occupation currently underway by the occupying force known as Israel.

Anti-Zionism is not anti-Semitism. Existence is resistance for Palestinians.

Please refer to Israel as Occupied Palestine, or occupied territories. The IDF is a fascist and ethnonationalist occupying force. Israelis are settlers. We understand however that the imperial narrative (which tries to legitimise Israel) is internalised in the imperial core and slip-ups are naturally expected.

We always take the sides of Palestine and Palestinians and are unapologetic about it. Israel is an occupying power whose "defence force"'s (note the contradiction) sole purpose for existing is to push Palestinians out so they can resettle their rightful land. If you have anything positive to say about Israel we do not care.

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https://t.me/PalestineResist/78426

🟢 Martyr Izz El-Din Al-Qassam Brigades: — Watch, as part of the "Stones of David" series of operations. Scenes of a zionist Merkava tank being targeted with a "Yassin 105" missile near Abu Sharkh Junction, south of Khan Younis, and enemy gatherings along the incursion axes being pounded with mortar shells.

Al-Aqsa Flood — 00:37 - Targeting of a “Merkava” tank in the Batn Al-Sameen area. 01:15 - The presence of enemy vehicles was monitored around the Al-Qarar municipality. 01:22 - Bombarding enemy gatherings with a barrage of mortars. 01:49 - Evacuating the vehicles from the targeted location and destroying the area. 02:00 - “In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. The enemy must know that we do wound. Let the enemy know that Saraya Al-Quds and Al-Qassam Brigades will remain a thorn in his throat until they are removed from this land.” 02:04 - Bombardment of enemy gatherings near the “Canada Hall” alongside Saraya Al-Quds.

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cross-posted from: https://freefree.ps/users/faab64/statuses/114674568552398344

Video showing the damage to the residence of Dr. Tehrani, President of Iranian Azad University in #Tehran after Israeli terror attacks.

This means any Israeli #scientist or #academic aee "legitimate targets" of Iranian retaliation against #Israel.

#Iran #Israel #IranUnderAttack #StopIsrael

Video shared on Blue Sky:
https://bsky.app/profile/faab64.bsky.social/post/3lrhrkxss2s2e

@paleatine @palestine @israel @iran

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An aid convoy of about 10,000 Algerians, Egyptians, Libyans, Moroccans, Mauritanians and Tunisians left Tunisia on 9 June as it headed toward Gaza to break Israel's ongoing blockade. Organised by Tunisian civil society groups, the ‘Soumoud’ convoy, which means ‘steadfastness’ in Arabic, is transporting food, medicine and everyday supplies. It also has a political agenda: Defying what the organisers term the collective punishment of Palestinians in Gaza.

Since October 2023, Israel has imposed a blockade on Gaza, stripping it of electricity, water, fuel, and humanitarian aid. Israel’s onslaught and escalated siege have k*lled over 62,000 Palestinians, with the majority being women and children, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. The UN and international rights groups have repeatedly called for lifting the blockade and providing unbridled humanitarian access.

Convoy members include doctors, lawyers, students and human rights activists, who say they're stepping in where governments have failed. The convoy will attempt to access Rafah via Egypt, but no word yet on whether Egypt will allow entrance through its borders.

This convoy carrying a symbolic load of supplies for Gaza set off from Italy on the day Israeli forces seized a boat, the Madleen, of the Freedom Flotilla Coalition (FFC). It carried 12 activists, including Sweden's Greta Thunberg. While Israel released her and a few activists, the others remain in Israeli custody.

This is not the first go-around for activists trying to defy Israel's occupation. In early May 2024, Israel struck another Gaza-bound FFC boat containing supplies. In 2010, Israel had k*lled 10 activists attempting to transport 10,000 tonnes of aid to Gaza. In 1988, the night before the al-Awda ('The Return' in Arabic) was set to sail to an Israeli port to highlight the plight of Palestinian refugees, a bomb destroyed and sunk the ship in a Cyprus harbour, k*lling no one.

Video/image credits: @landpalestine (IG) & @pal.actions_tn (IG)

Sources

https://conectas.org/en/noticias/international-community-calls-for-a-ceasefire-in-gaza/

https://www.euronews.com/2025/06/09/land-convoy-sets-off-for-gaza-from-tunisia-to-protest-against-israeli-blockade-of-strip

https://www.unrwa.org/resources/reports/unrwa-situation-report-170-situation-gaza-strip-and-west-bank-including-east-jerusalem

https://www.euronews.com/2025/06/09/land-convoy-sets-off-for-gaza-from-tunisia-to-protest-against-israeli-blockade-of-strip https://www.africanews.com/2025/06/09/land-convoy-leaves-tunisia-for-gaza-in-an-effort-to-break-israels-siege/

https://www.unrwa.org/resources/reports/unrwa-situation-report-170-situation-gaza-strip-and-west-bank-including-east-jerusalem

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/5/12/un-chief-urges-immediate-ceasefire-in-gaza-as-35000-palestinians-killed#%3A%7E%3Atext=The+United+Nations%27+Secretary-General%2Cbegan+in+October%2C+say+officials.

https://conectas.org/en/noticias/international-community-calls-for-a-ceasefire-in-gaza/ https://www.euronews.com/2025/06/09/land-convoy-sets-off-for-gaza-from-tunisia-to-protest-against-israeli-blockade-of-strip

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This willingness to sharply differentiate American interests from those of its longtime partners isn’t restricted to Israel. The Biden administration prided itself on forging a common front with America’s European allies. President Donald Trump prefers going solo. He’s parted ways with Europe’s leaders on Ukraine, climate, and trade—and now he’s allowing Europe to go its own way on Israel, too. “Trump isn’t cracking everyone else into line,” observed Daniel Levy, the British-based president of the US/Middle East Project. “The US is not trying to create a common policy.”

Without meaningful opposition from the U.S., European leaders have grown increasingly critical of Israel’s assault on Gaza over the last month. French President Emmanuel Macron has called Israel’s actions there “a disgrace.” Britain’s foreign minister termed Israel’s denial of humanitarian aid to the Strip “abominable.” Slovenia’s president accused Israel of genocide. A joint statement by Britain, France, and Canada labeled the language of some Israeli leaders “abhorrent” and, in a reference to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s embrace of Trump’s plan for the mass relocation of Gaza’s people, the three governments warned that “permanent forced displacement is a breach of international humanitarian law.” Never before in the post-Cold War era have European leaders so seriously discussed punishing the [ethno]state.

Trump’s redefinition of America’s imperial role is emboldening U.S. officials to distinguish American interests from Israeli ones—hearkening back to an older era of U.S.–Israel relations—and freeing European governments to challenge the [ethno]state without fearing American retribution. The age of virtually unconditional Western government support for Israel is coming to an end.

[…]

Like Eisenhower, Ford, and Reagan, the Trump administration’s willingness to defy Israel has little to do with Palestinians. It’s about America’s relationships with Middle Eastern regimes. During the Cold War, the existence of a rival superpower gave Arab leaders leverage over the United States.

Now that America has superpower rivals again, some of that leverage is back. Trump isn’t only pro-Saudi because its leaders give his family lucrative business deals. His advisors also fear that Riyadh could draw closer to Beijing.

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Internal Meta data leaked by company whistleblowers reveals that Israeli firms are facing a staggering collapse in global consumer engagement, as the country’s growing isolation over its genocidal war on Gaza drives up advertising costs and erodes its international brand.

According to the data, obtained by investigative outlet Drop Site News, the cost-per-click (CPC)—a key metric indicating how much a company must pay to generate a single user engagement—has surged by over 155 per cent for Israeli firms between 2023 and 2025. This sharp rise is unmatched by global trends and reflects a massive rejection of Israeli branding across major markets.

While Israel poured nearly $1.9 billion into Meta advertising between 2023 and 2024, its CPC rose from $0.094 to $0.24. By contrast, the increase for non-Israeli firms was marginal across the same period. In the UK, Israeli CPC rose by 163.2 per cent, in Canada by 106.6 per cent, and in Germany by 144.4 per cent. Israeli advertisers are paying more than double what they did two years ago for significantly fewer clicks, down to just 39.2 per cent of their 2023 volume.

The leaked data comes as Israel drastically expands its public relations spending, committing an additional $150 million in 2025 alone to “public diplomacy”—or hasbara. Yet despite this investment and Meta’s well-documented suppression of pro-Palestinian voices, the data show a public turning decisively against Israeli companies and messaging.

Amid the fallout from [the] ongoing genocide in Gaza, including proceedings at the International Court of Justice and growing calls for sanctions, companies tied to the Israeli economy, whether directly or through affiliation, are reportedly concealing their origins. Several of Meta’s top Israeli advertisers were found to have erased brand identifiers, or obscured their links to Israel, in an apparent attempt to evade boycotts.

Efforts to shield these brands have not reversed the economic damage. The CPC for Israeli ads aimed at U.S. audiences rose by 93.3 per cent, compared to just 2.8 per cent for non-Israeli companies. In Australia, Israeli CPC increased by 115.9 per cent, in France by 102.7 per cent, and in India by 40.3 per cent.

These figures coincide with steep declines in Israel’s international reputation. The 2025 Global Soft Power Index ranked Israel 121st, citing a 42-place drop in public perception. A recent Pew poll found that 53 per cent of Americans now hold an unfavourable view of Israel, up from 42 per cent in 2022—with young adults and even half of Republican respondents aged 18–49 registering negative opinions.

Public opinion is not the only headwind. The European Union and the UK recently froze trade discussions with Israel, signalling mounting frustration with its refusal to halt the onslaught in Gaza. International pressure is also building amid reports that Israel plans to annex Gaza and forcibly remove its population.

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Opposition party leaders announced Wednesday that they will bring forward a bill to dissolve the Knesset, following the coalition crisis over the issue of Haredi military conscription. The opposition has also decided to withdraw all its parliamentary questions and proposed bills from the agenda. In a statement, they said the decision was made unanimously and binds all opposition factions.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu arrived at the Tel Aviv District Court to give testimony but announced he was unwell, leading to the cancellation of the hearing.

Even if the proposal to dissolve the Knesset passes its preliminary reading, it would still require approval in three additional readings in the plenum — a process that allows more time for the sides to potentially reach a compromise.

MK Yitzhak Pindrus (United Torah Judaism), who chaired Wednesday morning’s Finance Committee meeting, confirmed at the start of the session that his party intends to vote in favor of dissolving the Knesset. The ultra-Orthodox party Shas has also said it will vote in favor of the bill.

Opposition sources indicated that unless there is a clear majority in support of the measure, the bill will likely be withdrawn. This is because if the proposal fails in the preliminary vote, it cannot be reintroduced for another six months.

Sources in United Torah Judaism and ultra-Orthodox party Shas told Haaretz earlier that as long as there is no dramatic shift in Likud MK Yuli Edelstein’s stance on the military conscription bill and as long as there is no agreement in principle that the ultra-Orthodox leadership supports, the Haredi parties will back the dissolution of the Knesset and the move towards new elections.

On Wednesday morning, Haredi-affiliated newspapers reported that UTJ lawmakers are expected to vote in favor of dissolving the government. Hamodia, which is affiliated with Agudath Israel and Construction and Housing Minister Yitzchak Goldknopf, reported that its members are expected to support the bill.

Hamevaser, which is also affiliated with Agudath Israel, as well as Jerusalem Affairs Minister Meir Porush, reported that the lawmakers "are expected to support" the bill’s passage. On Wednesday’s front page, senior UTJ officials were quoted as saying that "the coalition [partnership] with Likud cannot continue without settling the status of yeshiva students — the world of the Torah has been and is the most precious thing. Without an immediate change, we’re heading toward elections."

Yated Neʻeman, affiliated with Degel HaTorah, reported that there are "last-minute attempts by the coalition to prevent voting on dissolving the Knesset."

The crisis follows a High Court of Justice ruling last year that the state can no longer exempt ultra-Orthodox men from mandatory military service. In response, as the Israel Defense Forces began sending draft notices to ultra-Orthodox men, the Haredi parties pressed Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to push through legislation that would formally legalize draft exemptions for yeshiva students.

An exemption bill has failed to pass as the war approaches two years and the IDF has warned that it urgently needs another 10,000 soldiers in its ranks. Several coalition members argue the ultra-Orthodox should take on their share of the national burden.

Ultra-Orthodox parties have denounced the bill formulation being advanced under Edelstein as draconian, as it delineates sanctions on yeshiva students who fail to report for draft notices. Shas Chairman Arye Dery is still hoping to find a last-minute solution to avert a vote on the bill. Dery is waging a "world war" to change the decision to vote in favor of disbanding the Knesset, a source from United Torah Judaism said: "He has a list of tasks and appointments he wants to carry out, and he knows that in the next government he will no longer be able to implement them."

For Agudath Israel, the Hasidic faction within UTJ party, the matter is decided, unless Edelstein has a last-minute change of heart.

"As far as Goldknopf is concerned, the matter is already settled," says a source in UTJ. "Only a truly dramatic development would change the situation, such as for instance if Edelstein agrees to drop the sanctions" to be leveled on ultra-Orthodox men who don’t respond to draft notices. "I don’t see it happening and no one sees it happening."

A source in Degel Hatorah told Haaretz that Dery is trying to come up with a last-minute formula to keep the coalition together. "Whether it will succeed is hard to say. The opposition is also acting unwisely and is not making our lives easy. On the other hand, if we back down from the threat now, we’ll become laughingstocks."

A source in Agudath Yisrael told Haaretz that attempts to build a "security case" over the last two days to postpone disbanding the Knesset will not succeed. "Netanyahu doesn’t understand that all his stories about security matters, Iran and Gaza don’t make a particularly big impression on the Haredi leaders. As long as there is no dramatic agreement, the proposal will pass."

Coalition members are pressuring the Haredi parties to postpone the vote by a week to allow for more time to solve the crisis. "The attempts to delay the vote by a week prove that Netanyahu and Yossi Fuchs are acting as if things are the same as they were two weeks ago," said an Agudath Yisrael source. "They don’t understand what’s going on. They are only now starting to understand that it is happening and then suddenly they come up with "smart" proposals to postpone it by another week. The whole idea here is that we are tired of being postponed for another week and another month. It won’t happen anymore."

A Shas source said the real conflict will begin after the preliminary vote on disbanding the Knesset is held Wednesday. "There is still a slight chance that something will change at the last minute, but the preliminary vote is just the beginning. It’s hard to imagine UTJ backing down by tomorrow, and it’s also hard to imagine the ultra-Orthodox being divided."

In order to be passed into law, the proposal to disband the government will have to pass the preliminary vote as well as three more Knesset votes.

The Knesset session is due to begin at 11 A.M. Wednesday, and the coalition could attempt a filibuster in a bid to delay the vote on disbanding the Knesset and allow more time for negotiations with the ultra-Orthodox parties.

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The Israeli military has carried out an airstrike against a group of Hamas fighters in the Gaza Strip as the resistance combatants were preparing to launch an operation against Daesh-tied militants in the besieged territory, further exposing the nexus between the Tel Aviv regime and the Takfiri terrorists.

According to Hebrew-language i24NEWS channel, Hamas members engaged in an exchange of gunfire with members of the so-called Abu Shabab group at a Gaza neighborhood late on Monday.

The clashes intensified overnight, with both sides suffering a number of casualties.

It was when the Israeli army deployed an unnamed aerial vehicle to the scene, which fired a missile. Four fighters from the Hamas resistance movement were killed as a result.

The aerial attack marks the first of its kind by the Israeli military, whose sole purpose was to aid Daesh-linked Abu Shabab members.

Earlier this month, Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu admitted that the regime has been arming and supporting a gang associated with Daesh terrorists in the Gaza Strip to "counter the Palestinian resistance movement Hamas."

The confession came after Avigdor Lieberman, a Knesset member and the regime’s former minister for military affairs, said Israel had transferred weapons to criminal gangs.

“What did Lieberman leak? That security sources activated a clan in Gaza that opposes Hamas? What is bad about that?” Netanyahu said in a video posted to social media.

“It is only good, it is saving lives of Israeli soldiers.”

The group Lieberman was addressing in his remarks was a local Bedouin tribe led by Yasser Abu Shabab.

The head of the Daesh-affiliated group has spent time in prison in Gaza, and his tribe chiefs have recently denounced him as an Israeli “collaborator and a gangster.”

Evidence of the group’s role in Israel’s campaign of genocide led elders and leaders of the prominent Abu Shabab family to announce their disavowal of the group.

Yasser Abu Shabab also has a known history of drug smuggling and has established a fortified base in an Israeli-controlled zone in Rafah under the regime's guidance.

He comes from the Tarabin Bedouin tribe, which spans from Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula to southern Gaza and the Negev Desert, and has been identified in an internal UN memo as “the main influential figure behind the widespread and organized looting” of aid convoys to Gaza.

Last year, the New Arab, a leading English-language news website, reported that Abu Shabab, among others, was working alongside hundreds of thieves under the protection of Israeli forces near the Karem Abu Salem crossing, the primary entry point for aid convoys.

Last week, Palestinian resistance fighters revealed the group's involvement in Israeli covert operations by releasing videos showing the Yasser Abu Shabab forces working alongside Israeli undercover units targeting Palestinians in Rafah.

Senior Israeli commanders have warned that the regime’s armed forces lack the manpower and resources to fulfill the goals in the besieged Gaza Strip. They say Hamas remains in control of the Gaza Strip even nearly two years into the campaign of genocide.

Israeli intelligence says virtually 20,000 Hamas fighters, including several commanders, remain active across Gaza.

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A coalition of human rights groups and solidarity movements from over 32 countries, named “Global March to Gaza”, has departed for Gaza to break the all-out Israeli blockade and put an end to the regime’s genocidal war.

Thousands of activists are participating in the march, planning to reach the Gaza border via the Rafah border crossing with Egypt to express their support for the Palestinians in the war-battered territory.

The participating convoys are scheduled to gather in the Egyptian capital Cairo on June 12, before setting off for the city of el-Arish in northeastern Egypt.

They will then continue on foot to the Rafah border crossing, where protest tents are planned to be set up, according to event organizers.

In Tunisia, hundreds of activists on Monday joined the land convoy heading towards Gaza to break Israel's siege on the Palestinian territory.

It came as Israeli forces attacked Madleen Gaza-bound aid ship and abducted the crew when the vessel was approaching the blockaded Palestinian territory on Monday morning.

The main coalition organizing the “Global March to Gaza” march stated that it has representatives in most countries in Europe, North and South America, in addition to Arab and Asian states, reflecting the growing international momentum in support of the Palestinian cause.

The Algerian “Resilience Convoy” led the participating convoys, setting off from the Algerian capital, Algiers, towards Tunis on Sunday, to join the Tunisian convoy, and from there to Libya, then Egypt, before arriving at the Rafah crossing.

Yahya Sari, head of the Algerian Initiative to Support Palestine and Aid Gaza, said in a statement that the convoy “is of a humanitarian nature, raising its voice loudly, along with the freedom-loving people of the world, to demand the removal of the brutal siege on our brethren and sisters in Gaza.”

Sari, who is also a prominent member of the Association of Algerian Muslim Scholars, added that the move “expresses Algeria's position in support of Palestine, and calls on international agencies to lift the siege and protect civilians from the brutal [Israeli] aggression.”

According to the organizers, the march seeks to end Israel’s systematic killing of Palestinians and the use of starvation as a weapon, and push for the immediate entry of food, water, medicine, and fuel into Gaza, especially through the Rafah crossing.

It also aims to break the Gaza siege, demand a permanent humanitarian corridor and the unconditional lifting of the blockade, expose the Israeli military’s crimes, and urge legal action against individuals and states involved in violations of international law.

At least 54,927 Palestinians have been killed, mostly women and children, and another 126,615 individuals injured in the brutal Israeli military onslaught on Gaza since October 7, 2023, according to the health ministry of Gaza.

The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants last November for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former minister of military affairs Yoav Gallant, citing war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza.

Israel also faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice for its war on the besieged coastal territory.

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  • Israeli commandos have intercepted the Madleen – in international waters – and forced everyone on board to turn off their phones.

  • The Madleen ship, launched by the Freedom Flotilla Coalition, is en route to Gaza carrying humanitarian aid to Palestinians starving because of Israel’s months-long total blockade.

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Hello comrades! I made a post about Anaam a while back and I am coming back to share her campaign because she has been messaging me on WhatsApp about her struggles.

Right now she has a rash and is in severe pain. She has asked for 1000 Danish Krone, but I am unable to give much as I am on a very limited income. She told me no one else is responding to her so I said I would reach out on her behalf.

Her campaign is almost completed, she only needs less than 2000 danish krone to make it to 100%. I know money is tight for everyone, so if you are unable to donate then please help spread this.

I do not know what else I can do.

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In the Negev desert, southern Israel, a growing boycott campaign is taking root among Bedouin citizens in response to the Israeli government's continued demolition of homes in unrecognized villages. The community of Al-Sar, also known as Qasr al-Sir, is the latest to face mass displacement as bulldozers raze entire neighborhoods to make way for the expansion of nearby Segev Shalom (Shaqib al-Salam).

But as Eid al-Adha approaches on Friday — typically a time of celebration and major shopping — many Bedouin residents are turning their frustration into economic resistance. A grassroots boycott targeting Israeli-owned businesses and products has emerged from southern Bedouin communities and is gaining traction among Arab citizens across the country.

At the heart of the campaign is a call for self-reliance and solidarity. Activists are circulating hashtags in Arabic like #OurMoneyDestroysOurHomes and #UsBeingUsed, pointing to what they see as a painful irony: Bedouin citizens contribute to the Israeli economy, pay taxes, and shop in Israeli stores — while the same state demolishes their homes and denies them basic services such as electricity, infrastructure and protection from […] rockets.

"This is about reclaiming our power," Hamad Abu Hamid, a 21-year-old architecture student at Sami Shamoon College of Engineering in Beʻer Sheva, says to Haaretz. Though he comes from Kuseife, a recognized town, Abu Hamid has long felt connected to the broader Bedouin struggle. "Only Bedouin will truly protect and support other Bedouin," he said. "No matter how far I go in education or development, I'll always look, speak, and live like a Bedouin — it's who I am."

Abu Hamid recalls how the reality of state-led displacement hit him during a university workshop in Abu Qrenat, another village under constant threat of demolition. "When we arrived, it was full of destroyed homes — shattered furniture, animals wandering over rubble," he said. "People were living in tents. They refused to leave their land."

"It's colonialism in disguise," Abu Hamid describes the government's policy of home demolition. "Demolishing orders come with two options: either the state demolishes homes and people pay the fee, or you destroy your own home free of charge."

Through his academic work, Abu Hamid has consistently chosen to highlight his community's struggles — even when it meant challenging his professors. He recalls one assignment in particular, where students were tasked with designing new housing units on land that, in reality, was already inhabited by Bedouin communities. "I protested and asked, 'How can we erase people from their homes and livelihoods?'" he said. His professor responded bluntly: "You're studying architecture — your job is to change reality. Their homes are illegal, and the land belongs to the state."

With thousands facing homelessness and little sign of government dialogue or alternative housing solutions, the boycott is fast becoming a powerful outlet for a community demanding to be heard — and refusing to quietly disappear.

Calls to boycott Israeli-owned businesses are a way to “cut funds for the machines and manpower that demolish our homes,” says Abu Hamid. “The state takes our tax money,” he explains, “and uses part of it to fund the very plans that destroy our communities.”

To avoid contributing tax money to the state, some Bedouin residents are now turning to businesses in the West Bank, or Arab-owned stores nearby where they know receipts are not typically issued. "This way," explains Abu Hamid, "there's no official tax documentation, and no revenue ends up in the hands of the state." He expresses a sense of satisfaction when hearing that Israeli shop owners have been urging Bedouin customers to return in social media videos.

"Maybe the boycott will pressure the state to delay demolition orders. The government doesn't listen to Bedouin voices — maybe it will listen to its own business owners."

As for the government's proposed solution of relocating residents from unrecognized villages to state-approved towns, Abu Hamid is unconvinced. "This is not a solution. The Bedouin will not give up the land they've lived on for generations. What they're demanding is recognition." He recalls the case of Umm al-Hiran, a Bedouin village whose residents were evicted last year to make way for a new Jewish town. "Not only were they expelled," he says, "but they are barred from living or buying homes in the new town — on land that was theirs."

Even the recognized Bedouin villages, Abu Hamid warns, are under threat. He believes the state is pushing a plan to concentrate the entire Bedouin population into already overcrowded recognized towns. "This will create ghettos — more people squeezed into limited land," he says.

The authority for development and settlement of the Bedouin in the Negev, has commented in the past that "the policy of concentrating a population into recognized communities is designed mainly to allow better services for that population, from basic infrastructure to education and welfare services, which cannot be done under the wide geographic dispersal today."

"They claim it's about controlling crime or promoting development," Abu Hamid concludes. "But the truth is it's about ethnic cleansing, erasing our identity, and advancing a colonial project."

'A fight for survival and dignity'

Baraa, a 23-year-old who requested to be identified by her first name only, originally from the unrecognized Bedouin village of Umm Numila, north of Rahat, relocated with her family to Lehavim, an upscale, predominantly Jewish town north of Beʻer Sheva, six years ago. "We moved in search of a better life, away from the struggles that define unrecognized villages, whether it's home demolitions, poor infrastructure, or the absence of schools and basic services," she explains.

Yet despite the conveniences Lehavim offers, Baraa says she often feels more comfortable in her village. "Being an Arab in a majority-Jewish town brings unwanted attention that can feel intrusive and uncomfortable," she says. "Back in the village, there's a sense of familiarity — my family, our culture — that makes me feel safer. But at the same time, that idea of 'safety' has become confusing."

Although she moved away from her community, Baraa is committed to the boycott. "Any form of action, whether it's a protest or a boycott, can amplify our voices and spotlight our problems," she says. "It can help educate the people around us, and even those far removed."

While she's unsure whether such actions will bring immediate change, she remains hopeful. "Even if we don't see results on a state level, and the demolitions and displacement continue — which is sadly very likely — at the very least, more people will become aware. And that, in itself, is an important goal."

For Baraa, these struggles are far from new. "The state has been demolishing Bedouin homes since Israel's establishment," she says. Equally, resistance has taken many forms. "The boycott of businesses complicit in the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land, has been going on in different forms for more than two years," she says (Baraa uses the word occupation, that usually refers to the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories, to describe its policy toward Bedouin citizens in the Negev).

Still, she expresses mixed feelings: "It's unfortunate that many are only now learning about our suffering, and that some remain completely unaware. But we can't pass on this opportunity."

On Tuesday, a group of Bedouin representative bodies, including the High Steering Committee for the Arabs of the Negev, the Regional Council for Unrecognized Villages, and the Forum of Arab Local Authorities in the Negev, published a joint statement, escalating the boycott campaign. Steps include refusing all meetings with government officials during Eid, supporting the local Bedouin markets in holiday celebrations, aiding displaced families, filing legal petitions, and holding a mass protest in Beʻer Sheva next Thursday. They warn of further escalation, including a major demonstration outside the Prime Minister's Office.

While reaffirming their “peaceful resistance” against what they call a “systematic campaign of displacement,” the leadership calls for solidarity and international attention, stressing “this is not just political — it’s a fight for survival and dignity in the only homeland we have.”

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(Mirrors.)

People in Gaza are literally starving, especially children because their bodies are not able […] to withstand that […] level of malnutrition. Even some of Israel’s staunchest allies are now coming out to criticize Israel for its starvation campaign. It’s not because they’re having these big epiphanies […] that mass slaughter of Palestinians is wrong

There’s a great liberal centrist tradition of standing on the right side of history only when the relevant moment to do so has significantly passed. We are seeing that grand liberal tradition be repeated now by Keir Starmer, Emmanuel Macron, Mark Carney, and other leaders who are only willing to condemn but indeed not stop Israel’s activities at this point.

I think future-proofing of reputation to say ‘oh, but we did indeed speak up’ might very much be in play here. But those of us who have been paying any attention at all for the last year and a half plus are all too aware that these very governments have been funding and ideologically enabling Israel’s actions.

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"It's clear today that not much more can be achieved. […] We are only entangling ourselves further and not accomplishing anything there, besides jeopardizing our soldiers."

In pointing to the growing futility of the war in Gaza, these words reflect the views of a large majority of Israelis by now. What makes them particularly noteworthy is the person saying them: the rabbinical leader of a prominent West Bank yeshiva.

During a speech delivered last week to mark the 600 days in captivity of the […] hostages, Rabbi Mosheh Lichtenstein, the spiritual leader of Yeshivat Har Etzion in the West Bank settlement of Alon Shvut, concluded that Israel’s military campaign in Gaza had “exhausted itself.”

He used the opportunity to warn that Israel’s “bleeding wound,” as he termed it, would never heal until all the hostages were returned.

Lichtenstein is widely known as a voice of moderation with the settler movement. Still, it is not every day that a distinguished figure in the religious Zionist establishment breaks ranks with the political leadership and effectively calls for an end to the war.

But it is becoming more common, as growing numbers of Israelis, including those who identify as religious Zionists, have come to realize that it is impossible to achieve both of the government's declared objectives in Gaza — bringing home the hostages and bringing down Hamas — and that ultimately, one must come at the expense of the other.

The Religious Zionism party, headed by Bezalel Smotrich, has long held that ending the rule of Hamas must take precedence over freeing the hostages, and has warned that should the government decide otherwise, his party will pull out of the coalition and topple it.

Religious Zionism is the only party that represents the religious Zionist community (which accounts for about 10 percent of the total population in Israel) in the current Knesset, and until now, polls show that a majority within this community (the Israeli equivalent, more or less, of Modern Orthodox) have supported this hard line — some might even say heartless — position.

But prominent members of the religious Zionist establishment, like Lichtenstein, who believe the Maimonidean decree that there is no greater mitzvah than freeing hostages, are starting to make their voices heard.

Two weeks ago, Rabbi Ilay Ofran, the spiritual leader of Kvutzat Yavneh — a religious kibbutz in central Israel — and the head of a pre-military gap year program for Orthodox young men, was invited to deliver an address at the weekly Saturday night protest held in Carmei Gat. A neighborhood in the southern city of Kiryat Gat, Carmei Gat is where the residents of Nir Oz were relocated after their kibbutz was destroyed on October 7.

To the sounds of loud applause, Ofran told the crowd that if Israel [were] to have any future, every last hostage must be returned. “If we do not deliver all of them, to the last of our brothers, to freedom, if we concede this supreme value, we will not be ourselves anymore,” he warned. “We will not be the nation of Israel.”

He noted that when King Pharaoh of Egypt had offered Moses a deal whereby only some of the enslaved children of Israel would be set free, the great biblical leader rejected it out of hand, insisting that all must be released. “We need a Moses,” declared Ofran.

Miriam Lapid was one of the founding members of Gush Emunim, the ultra-nationalist, religious movement that built the first […] settlements in the territories occupied by Israel after the 1967 Six-Day War. Although she could hardly be called a peacenik, she has made several appearances in recent months at protests calling for the immediate release of the hostages. She may have very different ideas about how to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but Lapid shares with the protesters a deep disdain for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government, including Smotrich.

In an impromptu appearance at a recent Jerusalem protest, she turned to the crowd and asked: “Where are the beards, the wigs, the kerchiefs and the hats? Where are the Jews who love the people of Israel and care about this country? Where are they? I want to see them at these protests.”

Change of heart

Public opinion polls show that she may not have to look that hard anymore, because growing numbers are coming around.

Since January 2024, the Israel Democracy Institute has conducted several surveys in which it asks Israelis which of the war’s stated objectives, in their opinion, should be prioritized: bringing home the hostages or destroying Hamas. According to a detailed breakdown of the data shared with Haaretz, in the first survey, only 21 percent of religious-Zionist respondents said returning the hostages (compared with two-thirds who said destroying Hamas). In September 2024, their share had risen to one-third, and by March 2025, it was already 44 percent (almost identical to the share of religious Zionists that said destroying Hamas should be prioritized).

Indeed, the percentage of religious Zionists who would choose returning the hostages over continuing the war has more than doubled in little more than a year — although it is still far below the percentage among the general population, which has gone up from 51 percent in January 2024 to 68 percent in March 2025.

This change of heart is evident on the ground as well. Among the regular participants at the Saturday night protests in Carmei Gat is a group that drives in every week from the West Bank settlements of Gush Etzion to show their solidarity. The main message at these protests — deliberately timed to start after Shabbat ends in order to accommodate these religious participants — is that the war must end to save the remaining hostages.

It was at a joint march organized by leaders of this unusual alliance forged between religious settlers from Gush Etzion and secular kibbutzniks from Nir Oz where Rabbi Lichtenstein chose to speak out against the war last week.

This softening in Orthodox positions is also evident in a gathering held every Shabbat in Jerusalem to raise awareness of the plight of the hostages. As part of this relatively new initiative, at the conclusion of Shabbat prayer services, hundreds of shul-goers — including members of several mainstream Orthodox congregations — converge at Oranim Junction in the city, where they sit quietly on the ground and recite a prayer for the release of the hostages written by Zvi Zussman whose son Ben, a 22-year-old soldier, was killed fighting in Gaza. The prayer implores the government to complete the deal to return the hostages “even at the price of ending the war.”

Despite its name, Smotrich’s party represents only a small minority of the religious Zionist community, says Shlomit Ravitsky Tur-Paz, director of the Center for Shared Society and head of the Religion and State Program at the Israel Democracy Institute.

“At most, he has the support of about 15 percent of the religious Zionist community, but because he is the only party representing this community in the current Knesset, he seems a lot more powerful than he actually is,” says Ravitsky Tur-Paz. “Most polls show that if elections were held today, his party would not get in, which is a more accurate reflection of his power.”

Growing numbers of religious Zionists take issue with the party's position on the hostages, she says, and a large majority oppose legislation, supported by Smotrich, that would maintain military exemptions for ultra-Orthodox men.

“I sense a lot of discomfort among people who voted for the Religious Zionism party in the last election, including in my own circles,” says Ravitsky Tur-Paz but concedes that the vast majority still identify with the right. (A few years ago, a group of religious leftists in Israel started a movement called “The Faithful Left,” which recently set up a chapter in New York, but they represent only a small percentage of the Orthodox population in both countries).

In January 2023, after the government unveiled the judicial overhaul, a group of Orthodox Israelis opposed to this assault on democracy formed a group called “Religious. Zionists. Democrats” that joined the protest movement. After October 7, they stopped demonstrating out of a belief that it is not appropriate to express dissent during wartime.

Pasit Siach, a teacher and former high school principal from Maʻale Gilboa — a religious kibbutz in northern Israel — had been among the founders of this group. About half a year into the war, she thought [that] it was time to take to the streets again.

“I felt that if we didn't get rid of this government, our soldiers would not have a place to come back to,” she explains. Siach waited for the rest of the group to reach the same conclusion, but it never happened.

“At some point, I realized that if they were not back on the streets by now, they weren’t going to come back,” she says.

With the consent of the group, about a month-and-a-half-ago, she set up another group called “There are religious people in the protests.” It is not a break-off group, she insists, but rather, a “subsidiary.” Since then, she has been back with her signs in the streets and running a WhatsApp group with nearly 400 members.

“I don’t understand how so many religious people don’t understand the urgency of bringing home the hostages,” she says. “This is not Judaism.”

Last week, a dispute broke out within the WhatsApp group about whether members should stick together as a group during the protests or blend in with the other demonstrators. The group member who suggested they blend in argued that if they stood together, it would be obvious how pitifully small a group they were.

For someone like him who wore a kippah and was, therefore, visibly religious, it might not make a difference, countered Siach. But for someone like her who did not cover her hair and often wore pants, nobody would take note that she was religious unless she was part of a group.

“And I’ve come to realize that it’s very important for the other protesters to see us religious people out there — in fact, I would say that what we are doing is a kiddush hashem [sanctifying the name of G-d] by showing that there is no contradiction between being religious and being humane.”

In the end, Siach won the argument.

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As the humanitarian crisis deepens in Gaza, the Palestine Children’s Relief Fund (PCRF) continues to respond to urgent needs by distributing 15,000 fresh vegetable baskets to families displaced by war in the Central and Southern Gaza Strip. With the war ongoing since October 7, 2023, and border closures restricting aid, even the most basic food items have become unaffordable or unavailable.

This emergency food project comes at a time when fresh produce has vanished from local markets, and prices have soared beyond the reach of most families. Many are living in overcrowded tents or makeshift shelters without access to adequate nutrition.

Despite the extreme scarcity and high cost of vegetables, PCRF field teams worked with local farmers and suppliers to secure and deliver essential food to the most vulnerable households. Each basket contains a variety of locally sourced vegetables to help reduce malnutrition and support family health during this prolonged emergency.

This urgent project is part of PCRF’s ongoing urgent relief projects that span across central and southern Gaza, aiming to preserve dignity and improve health outcomes for displaced and war-affected children and their families.

(Emphasis original.)

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Nearly 60,000 Israelis left the country last year and didn’t return — more than twice the number in 2023. A full 81 percent were young people and families, often between 25 and 44 years old, the statistics bureau says. And the company Ci Marketing found that around 40 percent of Israelis still here are considering leaving.

Reasons for these figures might seem obvious: the war, the government’s attempt to weaken the judiciary, the rising cost of living. The children’s future might be better elsewhere.

But what about the reasons to stay? Four Israelis have told Haaretz why they’re thinking of leaving, and why — at least for now — they’re staying.

Riky Cohen, 56, is a writer, poet and editor who lives in Tel Aviv and has been thinking about emigrating for a decade. “Every time I hear that someone is leaving I throw a tantrum,” she says.

Cohen is in a relationship and the mother of two: a 23-year-old son in the career army and an 18-year-old daughter doing a year of national service before the army. For a few years, Cohen’s partner totally rejected the idea of leaving.

“He even objected to me getting a Portuguese passport, when it was possible. Today he regrets it,” Cohen says.

The frequency and durability of these thoughts gradually increased, and for two years “we’ve had heated arguments about it,” she says. Her partner feared they might not find work abroad, and their children are rooted here. And they didn’t want to leave without them.

Cohen is looking abroad because she’s pessimistic about Israel’s future in terms of security, politics and economics. She’s also wistful about a “normal” life, “without worrying all the time about what’s happening in a disintegrating country, in a dystopia.”

But not only her partner has reasons to stay. “Hebrew is my first anchor in the world,” Cohen says, adding that “when you leave, you lose your network. I’d be happy to leave with a group.”

Antisemitism doesn’t scare her; “they make more out of it than it is,” she says. And for her, life is scarier here; after all, she lives in a house with no safe room. “During the sirens I worried that a wall might fall on me, and for months after October 7, I had nightmares about terrorists,” she says.

In the meantime, Cohen is trying to convince her children to emigrate after the army. “I ask them what needs to happen for them to no longer be able to bear life here, in the hope that if this comes, it will still be possible to leave,” she says. “I think we might have missed the opportunity.”

She fears that Israel will become a dictatorship, “and one way or another, what’s happening now will bring down on us something similar to annihilation.”

As Cohen puts it, “We’re in a disaster. I’ve asked myself many times what I would have done in the Holocaust — join the partisans and fight, or try to flee and be saved. Now I’m wavering between the question of whether to fight to the end to try to save this place — and what the price could be — or flee.”

Despite the many reasons to leave, Cohen concludes the interview with a quote from a 2011 poem by Eli Eliahu, “City and Fears”: “A person must leave signs of struggle behind.”

“I hope we will fight, despite everything,” she says.

Feeling unwanted

Another interviewee requested anonymity, so I’ll call her Shira. She’s 41 and lives in the center of the country. For her, too, thoughts about emigrating are nothing new.

“I’ve thought about it forever, but since the war began it’s grown stronger, and it’s become more socially acceptable to talk about,” she says.

Shira, who’s a graphic designer and single, says a lot of her friends have left. For her, the reason is a feeling that Israel has no future politically. “As long as we insist on ‘Jewish and democratic,’ and as long as there’s an occupation, there won’t be a true democracy,” she says.

Emigration isn’t an abstract idea for Shira. Her family lived for a few years in the United States when she was a child. “I realize that it’s possible to live differently, but because I’ve experienced emigration, I know how hard it is,” she says.

Her English may be excellent, but “I don’t feel it’s home for me.” Plus she knows how a new place makes it hard to fit in. “I remember how hard it was for me when I was a girl, so what could I expect at 40 plus?”

Another reason concerns health. “I suffer from health problems, I’m supported by National Insurance, and I’m treated in the public [health] system,” she says. “I also have a support system of family and friends. To build it all up in a new place is very complicated.”

And how will she move her pets and belongings — and where to? “It’s not simple to decide; the United States is in a horrible state, and in the past, New York wasn’t so good to me,” she says.

All the same, Shira still believes that she’ll leave Israel. “I don’t know when or how, and maybe I’m deluding myself, but life here is becoming unbearable, and I’m feeling that my right to feel at home here is being stolen from me.”

The gap between mainstream views and Shira’s political opinions — especially since October 7 — has made her feel unwanted. She’s increasingly alienated from what Israeliness seems to represent.

She mentions the small talk in the dog park since October 7. One day, the women there were friendly to her, and then one asked, “In what way would it be better wipe out Gaza — starvation or a nuclear bomb?”

Shira asks: “How can it be that this is a normal conversation in the street, and I’m considered strange?”

When the house is burning, you stay

Israeli filmmaker Barak Heymann feels he’s living in a parallel Israeli universe. “We don’t breathe the same air,” he says.

He’s talking about right-wing voters, but also his own people who are protesting against the undermining of the judiciary and for a deal that brings all the hostages home. Alas, these kindred spirits are ignoring the suffering of the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank.

“This always makes me the party pooper. I’m with them in opposing the judicial coup, and I’m with the anger over the abandoning of the hostages, of course,” he says.

“But when I tell them that around 70 Palestinian prisoners have been killed in Israeli prison facilities since the beginning of the war, they doubt my sources. And when I write in my work WhatsApp group about the Gazan children who are being murdered by soldiers, I’m seen as an extremist and a depressing provocateur — as if I’m insensitive to the suffering of Israelis.”

Heymann has been off social media for a year now, after his picture and personal information were posted in far-right Telegram groups. But on WhatsApp he reads about the children being killed in Gaza.

“Most Jewish Israelis are living in a false reality of a Holocaust because of October 7, and I’m in a reality of a Holocaust because of Gaza and the West Bank, and that creates a very heavy and sad emotional disconnect,” he says.

Almost everything that happens looks different to him than it does to other people; for example, the recent letter by reservist fighter pilots. “This wording that we need to bring back the hostages ‘even at the price of ending the war’ — it’s as if to stop killing children is a price and not something desirable,” Heymann says.

His partner, Warsaw native Anna Kardaszewska, came to Israel in 2009 because of Heymann. Even though they always talked about living in Poland for a while, when the war broke out, Kardaszewska decided that it was time to leave, but Heymann realized he couldn’t join her.

For now, she and the children are in Poland, and Heymann visits every month. He says he can’t leave his job as head of the film school at Beit Berl College northeast of Tel Aviv.

“It’s unimaginable for me to tell my students: It’s hard here, so I’m going and deal with it yourselves,” he says. “When the house is going up in flames, my instinct is to stay, resist and pour water on it.”

His situation is “strange and complicated,” he says. “Politically, I prefer to fight fascists. In emotional terms, even though I’m disgusted by all the Israeli nationalism and I support those who boycott Israel, in the same breath I’m the most Israeli person in the world and see myself as a patriot.”

The alienation simply hasn’t been great enough to leave. “As part of my work, I travel around the world a lot, and there’s nowhere I enjoy more than here,” he says. “I’m connected to the mentality, to the weather, the people, the language, the food. I’m staying here not just for moral and political reasons, but for an egotistical reason, too.”

And Heymann is working on a Hebrew-language documentary about — of course — Israelis leaving the country. “It’s totally schizophrenic,” he says with a smile, adding that while he was spending time with people preparing to move abroad, his family was heading to Warsaw.

“I’ll need to make a decision about when to join them, because longing is the strongest emotion I’m having now,” he says. “But I hope that even if I join them, it will be for a limited time. The harder it gets here, the more I feel a desire and obligation to stay.”

A new bag of problems

Meital, a 38-year-old sustainability expert from Jerusalem, has also opted for a pseudonym. She says [that] she makes a decision every week, sometimes every day, on whether to stay in Israel. Meital, who is single, says [that] she has been asking herself this same question since the 2014 Gaza war.

“But recently the decision to stay has become harder and harder,” she says. “For the first time I realized I had a red line: If we lose in the next election I’ll leave, because I’ll finally realize that people like me don’t have a chance here.”

Meital also went through relocation as a child. When she was 11 her family moved to London for a few years, and as an adult she studied there for a master’s.

“I’m here out of choice,” she says. “When people talk about emigrating, I tell them it’s no picnic. Anyone who hasn’t experienced it doesn’t understand the depth of the loneliness.”

In many ways, life was better in England. “More money, more culture. Everything there was better, except for what really matters.”

She adds: “There’s also an element of what my grandmother would have said. I come from a family of kibbutzniks who built the country, passionate Zionists. To leave Israel forever, for us that’s like leaving religion.”

She adds: “There’s also an element of what my grandmother would have said. I come from a family of kibbutzniks who built the country, passionate Zionists. To leave Israel forever, for us that’s like leaving religion.”

Meital also doesn’t want to leave feeling that she’s escaping; she wants to be heading to something. “A lot of people complain that I have a foreign passport, so I’m all set,” she says.

“But the bureaucracy isn’t the main obstacle in migration. What’s hard is to leave your home.”

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