SoyViking

joined 4 years ago
[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 23 points 17 hours ago (1 children)

Finally, a politician who takes responsibility for their actions.

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 29 points 18 hours ago

Minister Promises More Talks: 8.000 Injured Workers Trapped In Danish Bureaucratic Limbo

Over 8,000 Danes with workplace injuries languish in administrative purgatory, having waited more than two years to have their claims of compensation processed. Some have waited as long as five years. This, despite a solemn 2022 political promise to reduce the backlog to 4,000 cases by 2024. Today, the figure is twice the size. Despite this, Ane Halsboe-Jørgensen, the head of the fledgling nation's Social Democrat-controlled Ministry of Employment, channelling the tone-deaf optimism of a Nordic Baghdad Bob, is assuring the public there is "a huge political focus" on reducing processing times. Her preferred strategy appears to be deferral; she dodges interviews, offering only vague promises of “status talks” after the summer recess, all while cross-party pressure is mounting.

Read more

The agency tasked with processing these claims, the Labour Market Insurance, a so-called "self-owning" institution born out of neoliberal new public management orthodoxy, blames the malaise of the workplace injury compensation system on COVID-19 backlogs and problematic IT system changes, offering the thin solace of promised "record-high" case resolution numbers year in 2025 – a promise heard before, as delays have steadily worsened since 2023. Agency leadership declined interviews.

Criticism echoes across Denmark’s carefully managed political spectrum. Karsten Hønge of SF, a usually regime-loyal soft centre-left party, cuts through the platitudes: "Hope is not a strategy, but it has apparently been the minister's strategy until now." Even the Liberal Party, a coalition partner of the ruling Social Democrats and nominally more right-wing than they are, is growing impatient and is demanding action. From the moderate pro-democracy opposition, the Red-Greens point to the human wreckage – lives upended, suspended in cruel uncertainty by the state’s malfunctioning machinery.

Trade unions watch in weary disbelief. Their members — nurses, social workers, lab technicians — endure injuries worsened by years of official neglect, their lives paused by endless bureaucratic delay.

Minister Halsboe-Jørgensen acknowledges the strain but offers no concrete remedy beyond the postponed talks. Her callous attitude towards the poor and the vulnerable is well-known and is emblematic for the Danish Social Democratic party. Recently, she defended a contentious welfare reform, universally predicted by independent observers to cause a sharp increase in destitution and homelessness with characteristic indifference, calling it "correct" because it was "broadly politically anchored from the left to the right" – proof, she claimed, that "some balances were found." When pressed on what she would do once expert warnings of an impending surge of homelessness comes true, she offered nohing but a promise of more talks, more deflection, more indifference, like it was no more urgent than adjusting the margins of a spreadsheet: "then that is something we must discuss. I just think we have to view it holistically."

If the injured were fighter jets, one imagines their paperwork might move faster. As it happens, while thousands of injured workers await meager compensation, the Nordic hermit kingdom's Liberal Party-controlled Defence Ministry has announced their intent to purchase at least ten more F-35 warplanes from American arms traffickers. The regime has refused to tell how much the splurge will cost, naturally, other than it will be "a large multi-billion amount." The jets will expand Denmark’s fleet to nearly 40, increasing the regime's capacity for destabilising the region, a symbol of martial readiness that belies the state’s apparent incapacity to care for its own civilian population. In Denmark’s strange political system, the roar of warplanes drowns out the cries of the injured.

Sources:

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 39 points 18 hours ago* (last edited 17 hours ago) (2 children)

Sweden's Finest: Bodyguards Leak Locations Of VIP's For Social Media Clout

In Sweden bodyguards from secret police agency SÄPO, tasked with protecting the safety of the nation’s most exalted figures, such as the king, the prime minister and fascist leader Jimmie Åkesson, appear to be engaged in an unintended exercise in radical transparency, broadcasting the precise whereabouts of the nation’s most guarded figures to anyone with an internet connection and an ounce of curiosity.

Read More...

In March of 2023, somewhere in the vastness of the Indian Ocean, on a private island accessible only to those of significant means, a figure was jogging beneath swaying palms. The air was thick, the sea a flawless blue. This enclave, where a beachside bungalow commands over RMB 7,500 per night, prides itself on discretion. "It is not just anyone who can come here," a resort employee confides, emphasising the sanctity of guest anonymity. The identity of the island’s most distinguished visitors – the King and Queen of Sweden – was a closely guarded secret. Or so hotel staff were told.

Yet, the meticulous veil of secrecy woven by the Swedish state proved remarkably porous. It was not an investigative journalist or a foreign spy who breached it, but the very agent assigned to protect the crowned heads. Upon completing his jog, the SÄPO bodyguard logged his exercise route on the popular fitness app Strava, thereby making the exact corrdinates of the Swedish head of state's luxury getaway available to anyone with an internet connection and an ounce of curiosity.

Two years on, the Royal Court maintains a glacial silence, citing security concerns. The luxury hotel, however, confirms the royal presence. "We were not allowed to say anything about who they were," an employee admits, highlighting the farcical disconnect between protocol and practice.

The scope of this inadvertent transparency campaign is striking. Over several years, a merry band of SÄPO's finest maintained fully public Strava profiles, recording over 1,400 training activities in obsessive detail. These digital records paint a remarkably detailed picture, not merely of the guards’ own fitness regimes, but of the movements and habits of those they are paid to shield. The King’s beloved winter sports retreat in Storlien, the secluded summer residence of Solliden Palace, the Prime Minister’s private home in Strängnäs, the secret visit of fascist leader Jimmie Åkesson to commune with his zionist pals in occupied Palestine – all have been pinpointed through the jogging routes and cycling paths shared online. As late as this June, location data was published from the Swedish kinkg's French Riviera luxury estate Villa Mirage. The timing, direction, and pace of these excursions offer a near real-time log of comings and goings.

In Swedish media commentators fret what would-be assassins could do with the Strava data. The fledgling nation knows political bloodshed; it stains their modern history. The case of Russian naval officer Stanislav Rzhitsky, murdered by operatives of the Kiev regime after his Strava data revealed his routines, stands as a grimly illustrative parallel.

SÄPO, now investigating, admit the leaks are taken "very seriously" and in what looks like an attempt to pass the blame to the stupidity of individual agents they claim that their internal guidelines were, in certain cases, "not followed".

As senior officials wring their hands, the Keystone cops tasked with guarding the safety of Sweden’s elite have, with a sort of childlike innocence, turned their security detail into a global scavenger hunt. Their quest for digital kudos has laid bare the shimmering emptiness of the Swedish state's security theatre — a paper tiger, limping through the digital age with a fitness tracker strapped to its leg.

Sources:

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 12 points 1 day ago

What a fucking loser

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 27 points 1 day ago

The labour theory of value: The value is just... like... there man. It has nothing to do with going to work and doing labour.

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 2 points 1 day ago (1 children)

Oh! I never meant to imply that the proles had it good in ancient Rome. I was just predicting how reactionaries would take the idea of giving the proles something for free, even just a few crumbs of bread to keep them from revolting.

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 2 points 1 day ago

I don't think we've done much deliberately for it other than leading by example and being inclusive to people. If we've done anything it has been to always try to answer her questions about the world as well as we could. We also live in a diverse area so people having other cultural backgrounds is a completely normal thing for her. I think the fact that she's queer helped a lot too.

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 25 points 2 days ago

Ah! Well, nevertheless

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 6 points 2 days ago (3 children)

I don't know. Giving people bread and circuses for free sounds like communism.

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 1 points 3 days ago

If someone had told me the day before "they're going to put the laziest AI slop on canvases and pretend it's an art show" I would have thought they were being too pessimistic. But no, people running small town art spaces have no critical sense whatsoever and will be duped by a famous name and a shiny new technology.

Duct taping a banana to the wall has infinitely more artistic value than this slop.

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 4 points 3 days ago (1 children)

I'm so sick and tired of the glacial speed everything moves with when you're trying to get professional help for your kid's ADHD but they're not completely fucked up yet. If you do reasonably okay in school and don't cause too much trouble is practically impossible for anything to happen. God forbid we addressed issues before they became problems.

[–] SoyViking@hexbear.net 9 points 3 days ago (1 children)

It is his turn!

 

You rarely have to count fingers when you go to an art exhibition — but here we are.

We had been invited to an exhibition titled The dragons are coming, with the breathless tagline Unleash your inner dragon. It even had a space where kids could build their own Lego dragons. I didn’t do my homework beforehand, but it sounded harmless enough. I like dragons. Dragons are cool.

The man behind the spectacle is Jim Lyngvild: fashion designer, writer, flamboyant Viking cosplayer, and media personality. He lives in a fake Viking castle and likes to dress up as an extra from a History Channel hallucination. He doesn't dwell too much on how someone as flamboyantly queer as himself would have fared in actual Norse society. He also happens to be best buds with fascist icon Pia Kjærsgaard.

I have survived another of Lyngvild’s exhibitions a few years ago, when someone at the National Museum had a stroke and invited him to make a Viking exhibition that was as historically accurate as a plastic horned helmet. It was Lyngvild playing dress-up with real artifacts, peddling the tired Hollywood myth of tattooed barbarians.

This time, though, he had pivoted to dragons. A perfect fit. After all, dragons are imaginary so no killjoy historians will be around to fact-check your fantasies.

The exhibition occupied a converted factory space, the kind of raw, industrial hangar every Western town now uses as a Hail Mary to gentrify the deindustrialized old working-class bones. It’s the same formula: slap some art into a disused warehouse and pray the microbreweries and gallerinas will follow. And you know what? Those places can be fine. It doesn’t have to be the Louvre to be a nice way to spend a Saturday afternoon.

We arrived, dragon-hopeful. The gift shop at the entrance was a Lyngvild emporium: You could buy his book about dragons (more about that later), his book of made-up Viking tattoos (so you too can look like a neo-nazi!), his Norse mythology-themed craft beer, and any number of chintzy branded items. If nothing else, Lyngvild is a hustler, milking his personal brand for everything it's worth.

The Fog of Meaninglessness

We entered to find what the website generously called "Lyngvild’s artworks". Huge framed prints of dragons stared down at us, flanked by fake “infographics” about dragon species. Okay. We’re playing make-believe: dragons are real. I can get behind that. I can suspend disbelief and have fun with it.

But something felt off. The dim, plasticky images crawled under my skin in a way I couldn’t quite place.

We went up a staircase and were treated with reproductions of stained glass windows, mostly of a crucified Christ. What was that about?

Then we entered the big room: huge prints of giant dragons attacking cities were plastered wall-to-wall. In a corner, a wooden Christ sculpture, seemingly nicked off a crucifix somewhere, lay face-up on the floor. Smoke machines wheezed, speakers bellowed dragon roars. The ambience was there. Lyngvild has a talent for the aesthetic. But there was no deeper meaning under all that roar and fog.

There was no story, no emotional arc, no big idea beyond "here are some Lyngvild-branded dragons". It was as empty and self-promoting as his Viking exhibition.

That whimsical “What if dragons were real?” premise from the start of the exhibition had disappeared into the mist, never to be heard of again.

At one point I peered through a slit in the wall — a leftover feature from the building's previous life as a factory — and peeked down on what looked like a giant head sculpture, submerged in smoke. Curious, we descended the metal stairs into the next room

Sure enough, there it was: a giant head on the floor, ghostly and inert, surrounded by more fog. What did it have to do with dragons? Your guess is as good as mine. Maybe Lyngvild just thought it would look good on Instagram.

Above the head were more close-up stained glass images of a crucified Christ’s bloodied face. Nearby, a few mannequins wearing white costumes, presumably meant to evoke something — anything. They did not.

I stood there, blinking at this potpourri of religious symbolism and cinematic dragons, trying to piece together what I was seeing. But sense was a guest who had long since left the party.

Midjourney to the Abyss

I turned to go into the hallway leading to the next room. We had been promised Lego dragons but on a side table stood a Lego owl — not a dragon, not a wyvern, not even a half-assed basilisk. An owl. Above it, a framed picture of the same owl in a still life. A scrap of paper in the corner read Hogwarts.

We had apparently stumbled into the Harry Potter Room. Yes, you read that right. From dragons to Jesus to Harry Fucking Potter.

On the next table was a Lego model of the Hogwarts Express, complete with a matching picture of that Lego train hanging above it. I squinted at the photos. Something was wrong. That unnerving, plasticky gloss. Those details that felt almost right, but slid into the uncanny valley. An utter, chilling lack of human intentionality. A profound emptiness behind the pixels. It wasn’t just bad art. It was soulless. It dawned on me in a hot, nauseating wave:

We were inside an AI art exhibition.

All these “Lyngvild artworks”, the dragons, the cities, the Hogwarts owl, none of it had been touched by a human hand beyond typing a few words into a prompt bar. Lyngvild hadn’t spent sleepless nights at the studio, hadn’t spilled paint on his clothes, hadn’t even stayed up wrestling with Photoshop layers. No. He’d simply typed "Dragon attacks city in dramatic foggy lighting, hyperrealistic," hit "Generate", and accepted whatever digital diarrhea the slop machine spewed forth. Then he framed it. And charged people money to see it.

Suddenly, the nagging familiarity snapped into focus. That glossy, over-rendered, conceptually hollow aesthetic that is the visual equivalent of fast-food styrofoam. The signature style of every talentless hack with a monthly subscription to Midjourney, flooding Instagram with derivative garbage. Lyngvild was just the hack with the gall and the brand recognition to put it in a museum and call it art.

That room full of dragons attacking cities from before head been the Game of Thrones Room, I now realized.

We descended into Harry Potter's Chamber Of Bullshit.

Lyngvild had splurged on some thrift store dark wood furniture for set dressing. One of the chairs still had the price tag on it. In the corners he had placed mannequins wearing Catholic liturgical vestments and rhinestone-covered peaked caps. I assume Lyngvild had a ball hot-gluing sparkly rhinestones onto headgear like a deranged RuPaul contestant — but what did it have to do with Harry Potter, dragons, or literally anything?

The walls were covered in garish, dull prints of AI generated characters from the Harry Potter IP. Some were missing fingers. Others were holding bizarrely deforming magic wands. Signage in the background contained what looked like lettering at first but turned out to be meaningless noise on closer inspection.

The dragons, the supposed main characters of the exhibition, were conspicuously absent from the Harry Potter Room. Not a single mythological reptile were to be seen. Perhaps Lyngvild intended us to Imagine Dragons?

We progressed to the next cabinet of horrors: The random Disney Character Room. Because of course. What dragon exhibition would be complete without famously draconic characters such as Cinderella, Pocahontas, and Snow White? It was like watching someone scroll through their Midjourney history on a head injury.

Here, under brighter lights, the slop was even more horrifying and the sheer, staggering ineptitude of Lyngvild’s quality control was mercilessly exposed. If he had spent even five minutes touching up this algorithmic vomit, it didn't show anywhere. Images were full of artifacts, lovecraftian anatomy and bizarre details that made no sense. And how could it make sense? No human thought had been involved in the process of making any of these abominations. The images were riddled with errors that screamed, “Nobody could be arsed to look twice.”

This wasn’t art as an expression of an inner world. It was branding spam. A hollow sugar high of pop culture keywords arranged into vaguely impressive shapes for five seconds of dopamine.

Humbug

Finally, we arrived at the kids’ section, the “build a Lego dragon” wonderland we had been promised at the start turned out to be two sad, shallow pits of random Legos, looking like the leftover pile after a yard sale. There were no signs that anyone had ever built anything remotely draconic there. My son built an airplane. It was on fire. His small plastic conflagration was the most perfect, unintentional review of the entire Lyngvild experience imaginable.

There was also a table with paper and crayons where kids could draw. On the wall, their drawings were pinned up and these drawings exhibited more originality, more discernible skill, more human intentionality and infinitely more heart than the entire multi-room, smoke-machine-pumping, dragon-roaring, AI slop fest we had just endured.

On the table, copies of Lyngvild’s fantasy-themed coloring book were scattered. Surprisingly, these were actually decent. it looked like they had been drawn by actual humans who gave a damn. The lines were confident, and the themes coherent. In this cesspit of brand-chasing, the coloring book was the only artifact that suggested a real artist might have existed somewhere upstream.

Later, I learned that Lyngvild’s dragon book — the one anchoring this entire dumpster fire — was likely ghostwritten by ChatGPT. Of course it was.

I left feeling insulted by Lyngvild's AI humbug. Swindled.

I’m no Luddite. I’m not here to wag my finger at new technology, or say that “AI bad, brushes good.” Art is agnostic to medium. Artists have always used new tools, and neutral networks might have valid artistic applications. But when you have the unmitigated gall to charge the public admission to see your "art," you’d better put in the goddamn work and make an actual effort. You’d better give a shit about what you're doing.

What Lyngvild presented wasn’t an exploration of new tech. It was a cynical cash grab, a soulless brand extension masquerading as a journey into the mythic. The exhibition reeked of staggering laziness. He started out chasing dragons, got bored halfway, said “fuck it,” and started gluing rhinestones on hats while the slop machine vomited forth enough derivative pop culture garbage to fill the walls.

Lyngvild is a man who desperately needs a brutal editor, someone to tell him “no” when he's being ridiculous. But when you’re too famous, too deep in your own reflection, no one dares.

Maybe AI is the perfect medium for Lyngvild: shallow, lazy and devoid of substance.

Is this a meta-commentary? A sly wink at the gullibility of a cultural establishment that will let a famous name get away with anything? Maybe. But I doubt it. I suspect it’s simpler than that.

Lyngvild isn’t satirizing us. He’s a charlatan cashing in on us. Peddling algorithmic schlock to an audience he seems to hold in contempt, assuming we’re too dazzled, or simply too dumb, to notice the utter, crushing emptiness at its core.

And so we shuffled out, counting our fingers, thankful they were all still there, unlike in those images.

 

On occasion of the 80th anniversary of Nazi Germany's unconditional surrender in the Netherlands, northwest Germany and Denmark, the media Arbejderen had published a series of articles on the history of the Danish resistance movement.

This is my translation of the article on the 1944 People's Strike of Copenhagen, the most radical uprising in modern Danish history.


When the Citizens of Copenhagen Triumphed over the Occupiers

The people’s strike and the subsequent street battles against the occupying forces in June 1944 became the largest single confrontation between the Danish population and the occupiers. The uprising was also a clear signal that the populace listened more to the resistance movement than to collaborationist politicians.

Barricade in Elmegade on Nørrebro in Copenhagen during the people’s strike in 1944.

  • Barricade in Elmegade on Nørrebro in Copenhagen during the people’s strike in 1944. PHOTO: The Freedom Museum Collection/National Museum/No Known Rights

In June 1944, the citizens of Copenhagen — led by the working class — rose up against Nazi Germany’s occupying forces.

Denmark was occupied from April 9th 1940 until May 5th 1945. Various Danish governments cooperated with the German occupiers until October 29th 1943, when the government resigned. Nevertheless, the state apparatus continued to collaborate with the occupiers.

Through widespread strikes and uprisings in the streets of Copenhagen, the population brought the fearsome Nazi war machine in Denmark to a halt and demonstrated who truly ruled the streets.

The protests began on Monday, June 26th 1944, when 1,200 workers at the B&W shipyard downed their tools.

The work stoppage was a protest against the state of emergency imposed by the German occupiers the day before.

The occupiers had introduced a curfew, forcing Copenhageners to remain indoors from 8 p.m. until 5 a.m.

In addition, gatherings of more than five people on public streets and squares were forbidden. Public assemblies indoors were also banned.

The occupiers’ attempt to suppress the people of Copenhagen followed a surge in armed resistance against the German occupiers: the resistance group BOPA and other movements had carried out some of their largest and most successful sabotage operations in June, culminating in the explosion of the Riffelsyndikatet arms factory—owned by shipping magnate A.P. Møller-Mærsk—on June 22nd 1944.

Also targeted were the Neutrofon radio factory and the Globus aircraft factory, which manufactured tail sections for the German air force, along with several other companies.

B&W Workers Spark the Protests

The state of emergency prompted 1,200 B&W workers to go home early. They agreed that if they were to be forced to bed early in the evening, they would leave work earlier in the day.

Later that same day — Monday, June 26th — the Communist faction at B&W convened. They decided to launch a protest action against the occupiers’ curfew and to encourage workers at other Copenhagen businesses to go home at noon.

That evening, the work stoppage spread into spontaneous demonstrations. Particularly in the working-class districts of Vesterbro and Nørrebro, residents lit bonfires and refused to comply with the curfew.

The occupiers responded by deploying soldiers and the paramilitary Schalburg Corps, which drove through the streets firing at random.

The Schalburg Corps was a Danish paramilitary unit formed in April 1943 to support the German occupiers. The Corps carried out terror against the Danish resistance and society in retaliation for resistance actions. They also carried out reprisal killings against popular Danes whenever a German soldier or informant was killed.

In total, seven were killed and 29 wounded by German soldiers and the Schalburg Corps on June 26th.

Barricade during the people’s strike in June 1944.

  • Barricade during the people’s strike in June 1944. Photo: The Freedom Museum Collection/National Museum/No Known Rights

The following day, B&W workers left work early once again.

Meanwhile, the strike spread to hundreds of workplaces across Copenhagen — offices, factories, the docks, and many other sites.

The illegal Communist newspaper Land & Folk reported on the B&W workers’ work stoppage.

The Danish Communist Party (DKP) distributed leaflets at workplaces, urging workers to go home at noon until the curfew was lifted.

At the same time, the Social Democratic wing of the labor movement sought to halt the work stoppages.

The Blacksmiths’ Union issued a circular refusing to support the strike and condemning its initiators, and the Employers’ Association distanced itself from the strike.

But the calls from the Social Democrats and the employers had no effect:

The work stoppages and protests continued. Copenhageners continued to demonstrate in the streets, build barricades, and light bonfires.

On Thursday evening, three were killed and 30 wounded by the occupying forces, and 75 were arrested by Danish police.

On Friday — June 30th 1944 — tram workers, urban rail functionaries, postal workers, and telephone operators also walked off the job. The People’s Strike of Copenhagen had become a reality.

DKP and the Resistance Movement Clash with the Social Democrats

The widespread protests prompted the Social Democrats to turn against the workers who had struck and the rest of the Copenhagen populace who had taken to the streets in protest against the Nazi occupiers.

On Friday evening, former Social Democratic Prime Minister Vilhelm Buhl approached the Freedom Council.

The Freedom Council was formed on 16 September 1943 by representatives of the major illegal organizations — (the Danish Communist Party (DKP), Frit Danmark, Dansk Samling, and Ringen) — as a coordinating body for the resistance during the occupation.

The Freedom Council was the closest thing to an alternative government in Denmark during World War II.

Its aim was to coordinate the various resistance groups’ work against the German occupation. The Council set up subcommittees to handle, for example, arms distribution and the illegal press.

Buhl attempted to persuade the Freedom Council to intervene in the protests and urge the population to end the strike and return to work.

The Freedom Council refused, and as soon as Buhl left, they drafted a proclamation insisting the strikes continue.

For the occupiers, the people’s strike was a catastrophe that threatened to spread and paralyze all industry and food production in Denmark, which heavily supplied Nazi Germany.

On 1 July, 4,000 German soldiers surrounded Copenhagen and sealed off the capital.

The occupiers deployed military patrols in the streets, occupied key utility works, and cut off water, gas, and electricity. Copenhagen was put under siege and isolated from the outside world.

Copenhageners were forced to cook their food over bonfires and fetch water from the city’s lakes.

German warplanes flew low over rooftops. German troops with artillery were moved into the Copenhagen area and encircled the capital.

The large barricade on Nørrebrogade in Copenhagen during the people’s strike in 1944.

  • The large barricade on Nørrebrogade in Copenhagen during the people’s strike in 1944. Photo: The Freedom Museum Collection/National Museum/No Known Rights

On radio and with posters, the occupiers tried to intimidate Copenhageners into ending the uprising immediately.

Collaborationist politicians and a number of civil servants began negotiations with the occupiers to end the strikes and protests.

The Social Democratic leadership in several unions, together with leaders of various employers’ organizations, issued an appeal via radio, posters, and loudspeaker trucks, urging the people of Copenhagen to stop the strikes and uprising.

But their pleas fell on deaf ears.

Posters were torn down, and loudspeaker trucks were pelted with rocks: those who attempted to collaborate with the occupiers no longer held any sway over the population.

Defying the Occupiers’ Terror and the Collaborationist Politicians’ Appeals

On the morning of Saturday, July 1st, the Freedom Council published their appeal to Copenhageners to continue the strike.

The proclamation — distributed in thousands of copies — set out four demands: The hated Schalburg Corps were to be expelled from the country. The occupiers’ state of emergency and the siege of Copenhagen were to be lifted and that the supply of electricity, water and gas to be restore. Finally, the occupiers were to refrain from any reprisals against the People’s Strike.

The citizens of Copenhagen persisted in their uprising. The occupiers’ terror intensified. On July 1st, 23 were killed and 203 wounded in clashes between German soldiers and the population.

Sympathy strikes were initiated in several towns on Zealand, adding further pressure on Werner Best, the German Reich’s plenipotentiary in Denmark.

On Sunday, July 2nd 1944, the Social Democratic leadership — with former Prime Minister Vilhelm Buhl at its head — and other collaborationist politicians, department heads, union leaders, and the Employers’ Association once again demanded that the population resume work.

That same day, the Freedom Council distributed leaflets urging the populace to continue the strike.

Once again, the population ignored the demands of the Social Democrats and the rest of the collaborationist politicians, the union elite, and the Employers’ Association to go back to work.

Instead, they heeded the Communists and the resistance movement and the Freedom Council, which—despite being illegal—had far greater resonance and legitimacy among the populace.

On Monday evening, former Prime Minister Buhl and Conservative Ole Bjørn Kraft, along with representatives of workers and employers, appealed once more on the radio for work to resume the next day, Tuesday, “to avoid the misfortunes that would otherwise befall the population.”

Yet again the population ignored the collaborationist politicians and continued the protests.

In the end, Werner Best was forced to lift the siege and the state of emergency, withdraw the Schalburg Corps from the streets, and renounce any reprisals against the People’s Strike.

The Freedom Council was able to proclaim victory and urged Copenhageners to return to work on Wednesday.

In the Freedom Council’s declaration — distributed to the population Monday evening and Tuesday morning — the Council stated that the people’s strike had “underscored the unbreakable unity of the people and confirmed our strength and solidarity,” and that the strike “is only a prelude to the decisive battle that lies ahead.”

 

Picture: Social Democrat flyer from the period. The text reads: "Communists protests for 'peace among the peoples'. Say NO to that fraud"

The Labour Movement Information Centre (AIC) emerged as Denmark’s leading anti-communist intelligence and propaganda organization during the Cold War. Founded in 1944 by the Social Democrats and the Danish Confederation of Trade Unions, the AIC operated as a clandestine arm of the labor movement, dedicated to curbing communist influence within trade unions and workplaces. Over nearly three decades, the AIC's operations spanned deep surveillance, covert maneuvers, and partnerships with both the domestic security state and international intelligence agencies.

The Social Democrats' Weapon Against Communists

In the autumn of 1944, as it became clear who would emerge victorious from World War II, the Danish Confederation of Trade Unions, the Workers' Confederation in Copenhagen, and the Social Democrats founded the AIC (Arbejderbevægelsens Informations Central). The AIC was intended to continue the work of the defunct HIPA, a social democratic propaganda organization that had opposed both the Nazis and communists in the inter-war period. With the Nazis defeated, the AIC's focus shifted exclusively to combating the communists.

From its inception, the AIC aimed to bolster the presence of social democrats in workplaces, actively working to replace communist shop stewards with social democratic ones. It also functioned as a training ground for young social democratic politicians, many of whom would later rise to prominence within the party.

Post-war Denmark saw intense power struggles between social democrats and communists in labor unions and workplaces. The AIC meticulously monitored communist activities, reportedly maintaining a comprehensive database on communists, which was shared with the Danish intelligence service and the CIA. While direct evidence of individual registration remains elusive due to sealed archives, the parallels to earlier practices are striking. In the 1930s, HIPA and the Copenhagen police had compiled databases of communists, later used by the Danish state to round up communists and imprison them in concentration camps at the request of the Nazis during the occupation. 150 Danish communists were transported to the Stutthof concentration camp in Germany where 22 of them were eventually murdered.

An "ice front" against communism

By 1947, the AIC had intensified its efforts, urging social democratic organizations and officials to closely monitor local communist activities and report back. This surveillance network extended to attending and reporting on communist meetings across Denmark, regardless of the meetings' content, and to gather statistics on the venues **used and the frequency of meetings. The AIC’s agenda was clear: collect as much intelligence as possible to undermine communist influence.

The AIC didn’t stop at surveillance; it also engaged in counter-infiltration. In 1947, when a communist defected with membership lists, the AIC quickly identified and expelled communists who had infiltrated social democratic ranks. It also produced social democratic election materials and disseminated anti-communist propaganda. A notable campaign followed the 1948 communist coup in Prague, where chain letters, allegedly conceived by "a circle of Danish men and women from all walks of life, representing all political opinions", encouraged Danes to create an "ice front", ostracizing communists socially and economically, portraying them as foreign agents of the Soviet Union.

The message of the AIC was clear: At no point should you listen to the communists, seek common ground or reach across the aisle. The social democrats would rather go under than compromise with the communists.

Not only communists were surveilled by the AIC, the organisation also kept a close eye on social democrats who opposed the party line and were open to a less hostile attitude to the communists.

Throughout the 1950s, the AIC employed personal agitation tactics to isolate and diminish communist influence in workplaces, engaging in what it called "systematic preparation" to cleanse the labor movement of communists. This was evident during a strike at the B&W shipyard, where Social Democrat Prime Minister Jens Otto Krag requested a list of strikers from the employers' organisation and passed it on to the AIC, enabling them to break the strike by addressing loyal workers individually.

Krag was not the only prominent social democrat to be involved with the AIC. When he was chairman of the warehouse workers's union in 1963, future prime minister Anker Jørgensen was also closely involved in AIC efforts to sabotage communist influence at the new campus of state broadcaster DR.

Connections to intelligence agencies

The AIC's activities were not confined to the labour movement; it worked closely with Danish military intelligence and the CIA. The post-war Danish military intelligence service, having escaped Nazi infiltration unlike the secret police, was a natural ally for the Social Democrats. Together, they monitored and documented communist activities, sharing intelligence with the CIA and the British embassy who considered the social democrats to be the strongest anti-communist force in Denmark. By 1949, American intelligence reports indicated that around 35,000 Danish trade union members were registered as communists.

The AIC also collaborated closely with "the Company," a private intelligence organization led by resistance fighter Arne Sejr and funded by domestic oligarchs and the CIA, which engaged in activities such as wiretapping and disinformation that were too illegal or too controversial for official agencies to do. "The Company" was part of the CIA's broader Gladio network in Europe, aimed at countering leftist movements through sabotage, propaganda and terrorism.

Closure and legacy

The AIC’s influence waned in the 1960s as funding diminished, leading to its closure in 1973 with its functions being absorbed by the Social Democrats and the Confederation Of Trade Unions. In the 1990s, renewed interest in Cold War-era intelligence activities led to social democratic prime minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen announcing the opening of the archives. This was a rather odd announcement as the archives had already been publicly available for years. Within hours of Rasmussen's announcement the organisation tasked with maintaining the archives decided to seal them, allegedly to give "peace and quiet" to the few researchers approved to access them.

The story of the AIC resonates in today's world of heightened paranoia, geopolitical conflict and an elite scrambling to consolidate ideological control over the populace. Only today the shady organisations doing the CIA's dirty work have access to advanced technological tools of propaganda and surveillance that Cold War social democrats could only dream of.

 

May 2025 be a year where the libs are seething, the fash are crying and the reds are laughing.

soviet-heart

 

I hope we all get communism this year.

soviet-heart

 

There once was an overseer on the Hellerup estate who was a real scourge on the peasants. He rode around the fields to make sure peasants worked hard enough and he was keen to use his whip on the serfs. Once he struck so hard that a peasant died from it. The overseer didn't get any peace in his grave though, every night he had to ride the fields where he had done his injustice. He rode a white horse and it was especially in the Southern Woods and around the Fjerritslev farm he hung out, until a peasant met him one night and - in the name of God - pulled him off the horse and gave him a beating. The horse ran away and the overseer suddenly disappeared in the hands of the peasant. He was never seen again.

 

Following Chairman Mao's call to go down to the countryside, I spent a day connecting to the dark heart of whiteness and avoided revealing military secrets in the process.

I had never heard of that village until the day that a friend of us called and told us that they had an annual market going on there and asked if we wanted to go. There would be stalls where you could buy all sorts of crap, beer on tap and rides for the kids. So me, my partner, our kids and our friend loaded up our cars and left the multicultural wokery of the big city behind to spend a day among the hardworking salt of the earth people who constitutes the real Denmark.

The market was organised by the village citizens' association in order to raise funds for local amateur sports and similar activities. Upon arrival, we were greeted by members of said association dressed in yellow vests who directed us to park on the muddy patch of grass that was the parking lot for a seven dollar fee. People there still follow the old ways, so when our female friend drove up to them with our queer short-haired teenage daughter on the front seat, they assumed she was the man in charge of the vehicle and tried to solicit payment from her, until our friend insisted that she, as the adult driving the car, was going to pay.

Then we went to the market, a mix of tents, caravans and rides put up on an empty field outside the village. A road divided the grounds into two and we went to the left where we quickly found a beer tent with wooden benches and a stage in front. We bought pints for the adults and sodapop for the kids. The beverages were cold and refreshing as we sipped them from the disposable plastic cups that are ubiquitous whenever beer is sold in a field. Nearby, a stall sold fried pork sandwiches, and we had the dubious pleasure of having direct view of the stand of a fascist party adorned with a big banner airing their latest grievance: "Save Danish agriculture!" Apparently, farming is about to be ended by an upcoming carbon tax.

The police had sent the two youngest and blondest female cops they could find to the market to mill around and smile at people. In police lingo, this is called "safety-creation." You have to hand it to the fuss on this one, the marketgoers were exactly the kind of people who would feel reassured by the sight of cops. Apart from a Native American guy selling pan pipes and dreamcatchers, we hadn't seen a single non-white person among the guests and merchants. We would soon find out why.

A bearded man in his 60's, wearing glasses and a baseball cap, went on stage singing and playing a Stratocaster. He was covering popular 1980s and 1990s pop songs, the kind anyone coming of age in Denmark during those years would know. Was he any good? Certainly not. Was he good enough for the job? Absolutely. He even had the courtesy to move his head away from the microphone whenever there were notes his voice couldn't reach. A few older people were dancing in front of the stage, the sun was shining, and the mood was good.

We browsed the stalls to see what was on offer. The shopkeepers' attitude towards taxation was best described by the "We love cash!" sign prominently displayed at one stall. The goods fell into two categories: old stuff and new stuff.

In the old stuff category, items ranged from garage sale junk to what you’d expect in low-tier antique stores. Several stalls sold old hand tools in varying states of disrepair. One stand's inventory looked like the going-out-of-business sale of a 1995 hardware store teleported to the present day.

The new stuff category offered goods you can't find in proper shops: the world's fakest football jerseys, cigarette lighters with skulls on them, a live poodle, cigarette lighters shaped like guns, supplies for dog and horse ownership, USB-charged cigarette lighters, 20 dollar Gucci watches, and cigarette lighters shaped like muscle cars with watch movements in them. There was also an abundance of food products of inscrutable provenance that were either disgusting health and safety hazards and/or much better than anything you would ever get in supermarkets.

As we browsed the stalls my partner noticed that shopkeepers were treating her weirdly. Being born and raised in Denmark and having a name so stereotypically Danish that JK Rowling could have come up with it, she has also inherited her stunning black hair and slightly darker skin tone from an Italian grandparent. People often mistake her for being Turkish or otherwise non-white. In the immigrant-run stores at home, this usually results in nice discounts, but here, it was a different story.

The shopkeepers clearly didn't like her. When I or our friend looked at the goods, they were nice or indifferent. But when my partner did the same, they immediately stopped what they were doing to closely watch her, as if she might steal their old silverware or porcelain figurines. They had decided she was one of "them." One shopkeeper directly asked her to leave, while another angrily told her to "talk Danish" when she spoke Italian to our kid.

We were deep in the heart of whiteness, so it wasn't surprising to see the Home Guard had set up a stall. The Home Guard is a Cold War relic of civilians LARPing as soldiers a few weekends a year. They offer the easiest way to get a gun and a uniform in Denmark, accepting those too fat and out of shape for the police or military. They hold a special place in the hearts of chuds, some of whom fantasize about being the white vanguard in an upcoming race war.

Their stall featured a jeep and an assortment of rifles, all firmly secured to the table with chains, that the public could hold. We were greeted by a woman in military uniform who looked the exact opposite of how you imagine the ideal elite soldier. "Come in!" she said, immediately trying to recruit me for the defense of the fatherland by enthusiastically mentioning that they had enlistment forms inside. I smiled and nodded.

Unlike me who have not even been a boyscout, my partner over spent a few months as a recruit and she is familiar with military hardware. "Do you have an M/75 in there?" she asked, referring to the long-time standard-issue rifle of the Danish military. "We have all sorts of stuff in there!" The Home Guard woman said, clearly confused. I am not sure if her confusion was caused by the technical nature of the question being above her expertise or if she was thrown off by the question coming from my partner and not from me.

Our kids had great fun holding the guns and my partner reached for her phone to take some pictures. "You can't do that!" the Home Guard guy overseeing the stall said. If pictures of children holding guns was posted to social media it could "hurt the image"of the Home Guard, we were told. The guy explained to my partner that "we don't have child soldiers in Denmark", as if that needed clarification.

We didn't want to stay after this visit to the people keeping us safe from Putin. The vibes in that area were nasty and my partner felt unsafe. We went across the road to the other hand of the grounds and things were a lot better there. We began to see other skin colours than pig pink and people were noticeably less nasty. Signs of civilization like kebab stalls and Asian grocers emerged.

We went to the area where the kids could try different rides. The rides were mostly operated by seasonal workers from Eastern Europe and each ride was blasting it's own playlist of either current hits or 1980's Eurovision songs into the air. As the kids were having fun in a bouncy castle next to the employees' restrooms I noticed how the restrooms were segregated with one reserved for Danish and Polish workers and the two others for Romanian workers.

After the kids had finished their rides we needed refreshments so we went into a big beer tent and sat down at an empty table scattered with the remnants of several of the giant hot dogs, giant burgers and giant kebabs offered for sale nearby. You don't buy normal-sized food at events live this. We looked at the beverages offered, a few sodas, beer by the buckets and lots of moronic shots sold in tiny tubes, and decided that we had had enough for today and that we would grab something to drink from McDonalds. On our way home instead. As we exited the grounds I noticed how someone had been so overjoyed by the selection of beverages offered at the market that they had emptied the contents of their stomach beneath the sign at the entrance.

Spending a day like this, connecting to my cultural roots, was an educating experience and I am happy to report that I had so much authentic Danish folkishness that I will not need to go again any time soon.

 

The elder tree held a magical reputation in Western European folklore, deeply intertwined with goddess cults such as those of Venus and the Norse fertility goddess Freya. In Scandinavia, planting an elder near your house, especially by the kitchen, was believed to protect the home and fill it with love. Elders were thought to be immune to lightning strikes, offering further protection. The tree was also seen as a portal to the spirit realm; standing under an elder on midsummer eve supposedly enabled one to see the king of the elves.

Elder was highly valued in folk medicine despite its mild toxicity. The plant contains prussic acid, which can cause vomiting or diarrhea in small doses. It was believed that elder bark cut from the bottom upwards acted as an emetic, while bark cut from the top downwards served as a laxative. The flowers and berries were used to treat colds and flus. To ward off evil spirits and relieve toothache, people would put a twig from an elder tree in their mouths.

However, one couldn't just take from an elder tree without consequences. The tree was believed to be inhabited by an Elder Mother or Elder Woman, a protective spirit (some say she originated as a localised version of Freya) who would avenge any harm done to the tree. People would ask her for permission three times before picking out cutting anything from the tree. Cutting down an elder without planting a new one was considered bad luck, with folk stories recounting the deaths of those who did so, presumably at the hands of a vengeful Elder Mother.

The Elder Mother also disapproved of using elder wood for furniture or tools. Stories tell of her disturbing babies who slept in cots made from elder wood or in rooms with elder paneling by pulling their legs. However, if treated with respect, the Elder Mother, and sometimes an entire elder family with elder women, men, and children, would help busy housewives by churning butter or polishing copperware at night.

Some stories even tell of the elder tree itself being sentient and animate, with one story from Copenhagen telling of how the elder tree in a courtyard would move to a new position every night and look through the windows of the rooms inside.

The Elder Mother exemplifies traditional Germanic belief in wights, collective spirits or deities connected to a locality like a landscape, river, or farmhouse, and sometimes to families or bloodlines. Wights are neither good nor evil but are forces of nature to be reckoned with. Respect them, and they will help you; disrespect them, and they can destroy you.

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submitted 11 months ago* (last edited 11 months ago) by SoyViking@hexbear.net to c/cars@hexbear.net
 

Back in February we paid to get new tires on the car. One of them has been leaky for the last couple of months, something I've continually been putting in the "I'll deal with it later" pile as topping up the air once a week was easier and cheaper than dealing with it.

Now the damn tire is flat. The roadside repair guy said that the tire was soft and decayed. I'm 75% sure that a new tire is not supposed to do that so soon.

Now I'm wondering if the mechanic put on old tires or if I've been an idiot by not getting the tie fixed in time and the frequent deflation/inflation cycles has ruined the thing.

Edit: Fucking hell! The code on the tire says it's from 2007! What the fuck? The damn car went through inspection and everything with that antique on.

 

I made myself chana Masala for dinner tonight using this recipe. It is awesome! The perfect blend between warm hot spices and soft chickpeas.

I didn't know about amchur powder until a couple of months ago but oh my God it is good! It is dried unripe mango and gives a fruity acidity to anything you add it to. The tanginess from the amchur really brings the dish together and elevates it from being just chickpeas and canned tomatoes into something amazing.

 

Early modern South Scandinavian folklore tells of the Gravso (grave sow), also called Gloso (glowing sow), Glumso (gloom sow) or Church Sow when sighted near a church.

First mentioned by a Copenhagen priest in 1587, the Grave Sow is described as a large boar or pig, often with long bristles and sometimes headless. Her eyes are red or glowing. Some stories tell of the back of the Grave Sow being razor sharp and able to cleave a man in half if the sow runs between his legs. She is often seen near the churchyard but can also be found in other places like near highways. Sometimes she is followed by a farrow of seven or twelve piglets.

The Grave Sow would come out at night, especially on dates considered magical. Seeing or even hearing the Grave Sow was often considered an omen of death or calamity and people who saw the her sometimes fell sick or lost their minds. Some stories tell of the people and horses being spellbound by the sow and suffering memory loss. Some accounts tell of the Grave Sow being especially dangerous to people carrying pouches made from pig bladders or clothing made from pig leather.

The Grave Sow has many similarities with other ominous revenant animals connected to churches but unlike creatures like the Hel-horses which legend has was horses that had been buried alive and sacrificed during construction of the church, the Grave Sow was believed to be the spirit of an unbaptised illegitimate child that had been born in secrecy and buried. It followed that a Grave Sow could be laid to rest by finding the remains of the child and given them a proper Christian burial. Common for many supernatural phenomena of the day, the Christian god was believed to be able to protect believers from the Grave Sow, like in one story where a peasant makes the Grave Sow disappear by reciting the lord's prayer.

 

I have been bothered by some mild sciatica for the past week, probably brought about by two days of long-distance driving during a recent family vacation.

I have sore spot on my right side close to the spine that sometimes sends jolts of pain when I walk. I've had it before and seen a doctor about it who confirmed it to be harmless although annoying.

Do anyone have some good examples of good stretches to do in this situation? Most of what I could find online targets the muscles slightly below where my pain is located and doesn't seen to reach the spot that hurts.

And now for the rant:

When using Google to find information, the results were full of SEO optimised links to physical therapists and chiropractors trying to sell me stuff. Among all the bullshit I managed to find a page about it on a public healthcare site where very little effort had been made to make the text pop up in search engines.

The text was written by a named specialist and cited sources. It said that there's little to do about mild sciatica besides keeping active, improving workplace ergonomics, taking OTC painkillers and waiting for it to go away by itself. It was honest about that most of the time it was impossible to explain exactly what mechanism causes the pain. It said that there's no documentated effect of heat or cold and explicitly advised against lumbar support bandages.

I then visited one of the commercial sites, hoping to find some stretches to do. And what was the first thing I saw? Without giving any sources they claimed that cold packs and lumbar support bandages are effective and tried selling them to me.

The individual private physiotherapist might be good at their job and able to help people but the profit motive incentives them to upsell people snake oil and quackery. This in turn makes everything they say less trustworthy. It might very well be that you can benefit from some product they are selling in some situations but you can never be sure whether they're advising you to use it because they want your money or because it is actually going to do you any good.

Meanwhile medical doctors, who almost all operate within a single payer public healthcare system around here are one of the most trusted professions since you know that the likelihood of them having ulterior motives is very low. (Don't get me wrong, there's plenty of problems with classism, racism, sexism and God-complexes in the medical profession but at least your GP is not trying to inspect your wallet)

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