On occasion of the 80th anniversary of Nazi Germany's unconditional surrender in the Netherlands, northwest Germany and Denmark, the media Arbejderen had published a series of articles on the history of the Danish resistance movement.

This is my translation of the article on the 1944 People's Strike of Copenhagen, the most radical uprising in modern Danish history.

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When the Citizens of Copenhagen Triumphed over the Occupiers

• https://arbejderen.dk/historie/da-koebenhavnerne-sejrede-over-besaettelsesmagten/

The people’s strike and the subsequent street battles against the occupying forces in June 1944 became the largest single confrontation between the Danish population and the occupiers. The uprising was also a clear signal that the populace listened more to the resistance movement than to collaborationist politicians.

• Barricade in Elmegade on Nørrebro in Copenhagen during the people’s strike in 1944. PHOTO: The Freedom Museum Collection/National Museum/No Known Rights

In June 1944, the citizens of Copenhagen — led by the working class — rose up against Nazi Germany’s occupying forces.

Denmark was occupied from April 9th 1940 until May 5th 1945. Various Danish governments cooperated with the German occupiers until October 29th 1943, when the government resigned. Nevertheless, the state apparatus continued to collaborate with the occupiers.

Through widespread strikes and uprisings in the streets of Copenhagen, the population brought the fearsome Nazi war machine in Denmark to a halt and demonstrated who truly ruled the streets.

The protests began on Monday, June 26th 1944, when 1,200 workers at the B&W shipyard downed their tools.

The work stoppage was a protest against the state of emergency imposed by the German occupiers the day before.

The occupiers had introduced a curfew, forcing Copenhageners to remain indoors from 8 p.m. until 5 a.m.

In addition, gatherings of more than five people on public streets and squares were forbidden. Public assemblies indoors were also banned.

The occupiers’ attempt to suppress the people of Copenhagen followed a surge in armed resistance against the German occupiers: the resistance group BOPA and other movements had carried out some of their largest and most successful sabotage operations in June, culminating in the explosion of the Riffelsyndikatet arms factory—owned by shipping magnate A.P. Møller-Mærsk—on June 22nd 1944.

Also targeted were the Neutrofon radio factory and the Globus aircraft factory, which manufactured tail sections for the German air force, along with several other companies.

B&W Workers Spark the Protests

The state of emergency prompted 1,200 B&W workers to go home early. They agreed that if they were to be forced to bed early in the evening, they would leave work earlier in the day.

Later that same day — Monday, June 26th — the Communist faction at B&W convened. They decided to launch a protest action against the occupiers’ curfew and to encourage workers at other Copenhagen businesses to go home at noon.

That evening, the work stoppage spread into spontaneous demonstrations. Particularly in the working-class districts of Vesterbro and Nørrebro, residents lit bonfires and refused to comply with the curfew.

The occupiers responded by deploying soldiers and the paramilitary Schalburg Corps, which drove through the streets firing at random.

The Schalburg Corps was a Danish paramilitary unit formed in April 1943 to support the German occupiers. The Corps carried out terror against the Danish resistance and society in retaliation for resistance actions. They also carried out reprisal killings against popular Danes whenever a German soldier or informant was killed.

In total, seven were killed and 29 wounded by German soldiers and the Schalburg Corps on June 26th.

• Barricade during the people’s strike in June 1944. Photo: The Freedom Museum Collection/National Museum/No Known Rights

The following day, B&W workers left work early once again.

Meanwhile, the strike spread to hundreds of workplaces across Copenhagen — offices, factories, the docks, and many other sites.

The illegal Communist newspaper Land & Folk reported on the B&W workers’ work stoppage.

The Danish Communist Party (DKP) distributed leaflets at workplaces, urging workers to go home at noon until the curfew was lifted.

At the same time, the Social Democratic wing of the labor movement sought to halt the work stoppages.

The Blacksmiths’ Union issued a circular refusing to support the strike and condemning its initiators, and the Employers’ Association distanced itself from the strike.

But the calls from the Social Democrats and the employers had no effect:

The work stoppages and protests continued. Copenhageners continued to demonstrate in the streets, build barricades, and light bonfires.

On Thursday evening, three were killed and 30 wounded by the occupying forces, and 75 were arrested by Danish police.

On Friday — June 30th 1944 — tram workers, urban rail functionaries, postal workers, and telephone operators also walked off the job. The People’s Strike of Copenhagen had become a reality.

DKP and the Resistance Movement Clash with the Social Democrats

The widespread protests prompted the Social Democrats to turn against the workers who had struck and the rest of the Copenhagen populace who had taken to the streets in protest against the Nazi occupiers.

On Friday evening, former Social Democratic Prime Minister Vilhelm Buhl approached the Freedom Council.

The Freedom Council was formed on 16 September 1943 by representatives of the major illegal organizations — (the Danish Communist Party (DKP), Frit Danmark, Dansk Samling, and Ringen) — as a coordinating body for the resistance during the occupation.

The Freedom Council was the closest thing to an alternative government in Denmark during World War II.

Its aim was to coordinate the various resistance groups’ work against the German occupation. The Council set up subcommittees to handle, for example, arms distribution and the illegal press.

Buhl attempted to persuade the Freedom Council to intervene in the protests and urge the population to end the strike and return to work.

The Freedom Council refused, and as soon as Buhl left, they drafted a proclamation insisting the strikes continue.

For the occupiers, the people’s strike was a catastrophe that threatened to spread and paralyze all industry and food production in Denmark, which heavily supplied Nazi Germany.

On 1 July, 4,000 German soldiers surrounded Copenhagen and sealed off the capital.

The occupiers deployed military patrols in the streets, occupied key utility works, and cut off water, gas, and electricity. Copenhagen was put under siege and isolated from the outside world.

Copenhageners were forced to cook their food over bonfires and fetch water from the city’s lakes.

German warplanes flew low over rooftops. German troops with artillery were moved into the Copenhagen area and encircled the capital.

• The large barricade on Nørrebrogade in Copenhagen during the people’s strike in 1944. Photo: The Freedom Museum Collection/National Museum/No Known Rights

On radio and with posters, the occupiers tried to intimidate Copenhageners into ending the uprising immediately.

Collaborationist politicians and a number of civil servants began negotiations with the occupiers to end the strikes and protests.

The Social Democratic leadership in several unions, together with leaders of various employers’ organizations, issued an appeal via radio, posters, and loudspeaker trucks, urging the people of Copenhagen to stop the strikes and uprising.

But their pleas fell on deaf ears.

Posters were torn down, and loudspeaker trucks were pelted with rocks: those who attempted to collaborate with the occupiers no longer held any sway over the population.

Defying the Occupiers’ Terror and the Collaborationist Politicians’ Appeals

On the morning of Saturday, July 1st, the Freedom Council published their appeal to Copenhageners to continue the strike.

The proclamation — distributed in thousands of copies — set out four demands: The hated Schalburg Corps were to be expelled from the country. The occupiers’ state of emergency and the siege of Copenhagen were to be lifted and that the supply of electricity, water and gas to be restore. Finally, the occupiers were to refrain from any reprisals against the People’s Strike.

The citizens of Copenhagen persisted in their uprising. The occupiers’ terror intensified. On July 1st, 23 were killed and 203 wounded in clashes between German soldiers and the population.

Sympathy strikes were initiated in several towns on Zealand, adding further pressure on Werner Best, the German Reich’s plenipotentiary in Denmark.

On Sunday, July 2nd 1944, the Social Democratic leadership — with former Prime Minister Vilhelm Buhl at its head — and other collaborationist politicians, department heads, union leaders, and the Employers’ Association once again demanded that the population resume work.

That same day, the Freedom Council distributed leaflets urging the populace to continue the strike.

Once again, the population ignored the demands of the Social Democrats and the rest of the collaborationist politicians, the union elite, and the Employers’ Association to go back to work.

Instead, they heeded the Communists and the resistance movement and the Freedom Council, which—despite being illegal—had far greater resonance and legitimacy among the populace.

On Monday evening, former Prime Minister Buhl and Conservative Ole Bjørn Kraft, along with representatives of workers and employers, appealed once more on the radio for work to resume the next day, Tuesday, “to avoid the misfortunes that would otherwise befall the population.”

Yet again the population ignored the collaborationist politicians and continued the protests.

In the end, Werner Best was forced to lift the siege and the state of emergency, withdraw the Schalburg Corps from the streets, and renounce any reprisals against the People’s Strike.

The Freedom Council was able to proclaim victory and urged Copenhageners to return to work on Wednesday.

In the Freedom Council’s declaration — distributed to the population Monday evening and Tuesday morning — the Council stated that the people’s strike had “underscored the unbreakable unity of the people and confirmed our strength and solidarity,” and that the strike “is only a prelude to the decisive battle that lies ahead.”

Picture: Social Democrat flyer from the period. The text reads: "Communists protests for 'peace among the peoples'. Say NO to that fraud"

The Labour Movement Information Centre (AIC) emerged as Denmark’s leading anti-communist intelligence and propaganda organization during the Cold War. Founded in 1944 by the Social Democrats and the Danish Confederation of Trade Unions, the AIC operated as a clandestine arm of the labor movement, dedicated to curbing communist influence within trade unions and workplaces. Over nearly three decades, the AIC's operations spanned deep surveillance, covert maneuvers, and partnerships with both the domestic security state and international intelligence agencies.

The Social Democrats' Weapon Against Communists

In the autumn of 1944, as it became clear who would emerge victorious from World War II, the Danish Confederation of Trade Unions, the Workers' Confederation in Copenhagen, and the Social Democrats founded the AIC (Arbejderbevægelsens Informations Central). The AIC was intended to continue the work of the defunct HIPA, a social democratic propaganda organization that had opposed both the Nazis and communists in the inter-war period. With the Nazis defeated, the AIC's focus shifted exclusively to combating the communists.

From its inception, the AIC aimed to bolster the presence of social democrats in workplaces, actively working to replace communist shop stewards with social democratic ones. It also functioned as a training ground for young social democratic politicians, many of whom would later rise to prominence within the party.

Post-war Denmark saw intense power struggles between social democrats and communists in labor unions and workplaces. The AIC meticulously monitored communist activities, reportedly maintaining a comprehensive database on communists, which was shared with the Danish intelligence service and the CIA. While direct evidence of individual registration remains elusive due to sealed archives, the parallels to earlier practices are striking. In the 1930s, HIPA and the Copenhagen police had compiled databases of communists, later used by the Danish state to round up communists and imprison them in concentration camps at the request of the Nazis during the occupation. 150 Danish communists were transported to the Stutthof concentration camp in Germany where 22 of them were eventually murdered.

An "ice front" against communism

By 1947, the AIC had intensified its efforts, urging social democratic organizations and officials to closely monitor local communist activities and report back. This surveillance network extended to attending and reporting on communist meetings across Denmark, regardless of the meetings' content, and to gather statistics on the venues **used and the frequency of meetings. The AIC’s agenda was clear: collect as much intelligence as possible to undermine communist influence.

The AIC didn’t stop at surveillance; it also engaged in counter-infiltration. In 1947, when a communist defected with membership lists, the AIC quickly identified and expelled communists who had infiltrated social democratic ranks. It also produced social democratic election materials and disseminated anti-communist propaganda. A notable campaign followed the 1948 communist coup in Prague, where chain letters, allegedly conceived by "a circle of Danish men and women from all walks of life, representing all political opinions", encouraged Danes to create an "ice front", ostracizing communists socially and economically, portraying them as foreign agents of the Soviet Union.

The message of the AIC was clear: At no point should you listen to the communists, seek common ground or reach across the aisle. The social democrats would rather go under than compromise with the communists.

Not only communists were surveilled by the AIC, the organisation also kept a close eye on social democrats who opposed the party line and were open to a less hostile attitude to the communists.

Throughout the 1950s, the AIC employed personal agitation tactics to isolate and diminish communist influence in workplaces, engaging in what it called "systematic preparation" to cleanse the labor movement of communists. This was evident during a strike at the B&W shipyard, where Social Democrat Prime Minister Jens Otto Krag requested a list of strikers from the employers' organisation and passed it on to the AIC, enabling them to break the strike by addressing loyal workers individually.

Krag was not the only prominent social democrat to be involved with the AIC. When he was chairman of the warehouse workers's union in 1963, future prime minister Anker Jørgensen was also closely involved in AIC efforts to sabotage communist influence at the new campus of state broadcaster DR.

Connections to intelligence agencies

The AIC's activities were not confined to the labour movement; it worked closely with Danish military intelligence and the CIA. The post-war Danish military intelligence service, having escaped Nazi infiltration unlike the secret police, was a natural ally for the Social Democrats. Together, they monitored and documented communist activities, sharing intelligence with the CIA and the British embassy who considered the social democrats to be the strongest anti-communist force in Denmark. By 1949, American intelligence reports indicated that around 35,000 Danish trade union members were registered as communists.

The AIC also collaborated closely with "the Company," a private intelligence organization led by resistance fighter Arne Sejr and funded by domestic oligarchs and the CIA, which engaged in activities such as wiretapping and disinformation that were too illegal or too controversial for official agencies to do. "The Company" was part of the CIA's broader Gladio network in Europe, aimed at countering leftist movements through sabotage, propaganda and terrorism.

Closure and legacy

The AIC’s influence waned in the 1960s as funding diminished, leading to its closure in 1973 with its functions being absorbed by the Social Democrats and the Confederation Of Trade Unions. In the 1990s, renewed interest in Cold War-era intelligence activities led to social democratic prime minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen announcing the opening of the archives. This was a rather odd announcement as the archives had already been publicly available for years. Within hours of Rasmussen's announcement the organisation tasked with maintaining the archives decided to seal them, allegedly to give "peace and quiet" to the few researchers approved to access them.

The story of the AIC resonates in today's world of heightened paranoia, geopolitical conflict and an elite scrambling to consolidate ideological control over the populace. Only today the shady organisations doing the CIA's dirty work have access to advanced technological tools of propaganda and surveillance that Cold War social democrats could only dream of.

May 2025 be a year where the libs are seething, the fash are crying and the reds are laughing.

I hope we all get communism this year.

There once was an overseer on the Hellerup estate who was a real scourge on the peasants. He rode around the fields to make sure peasants worked hard enough and he was keen to use his whip on the serfs. Once he struck so hard that a peasant died from it. The overseer didn't get any peace in his grave though, every night he had to ride the fields where he had done his injustice. He rode a white horse and it was especially in the Southern Woods and around the Fjerritslev farm he hung out, until a peasant met him one night and - in the name of God - pulled him off the horse and gave him a beating. The horse ran away and the overseer suddenly disappeared in the hands of the peasant. He was never seen again.

Following Chairman Mao's call to go down to the countryside, I spent a day connecting to the dark heart of whiteness and avoided revealing military secrets in the process.

I had never heard of that village until the day that a friend of us called and told us that they had an annual market going on there and asked if we wanted to go. There would be stalls where you could buy all sorts of crap, beer on tap and rides for the kids. So me, my partner, our kids and our friend loaded up our cars and left the multicultural wokery of the big city behind to spend a day among the hardworking salt of the earth people who constitutes the real Denmark.

The market was organised by the village citizens' association in order to raise funds for local amateur sports and similar activities. Upon arrival, we were greeted by members of said association dressed in yellow vests who directed us to park on the muddy patch of grass that was the parking lot for a seven dollar fee. People there still follow the old ways, so when our female friend drove up to them with our queer short-haired teenage daughter on the front seat, they assumed she was the man in charge of the vehicle and tried to solicit payment from her, until our friend insisted that she, as the adult driving the car, was going to pay.

Then we went to the market, a mix of tents, caravans and rides put up on an empty field outside the village. A road divided the grounds into two and we went to the left where we quickly found a beer tent with wooden benches and a stage in front. We bought pints for the adults and sodapop for the kids. The beverages were cold and refreshing as we sipped them from the disposable plastic cups that are ubiquitous whenever beer is sold in a field. Nearby, a stall sold fried pork sandwiches, and we had the dubious pleasure of having direct view of the stand of a fascist party adorned with a big banner airing their latest grievance: "Save Danish agriculture!" Apparently, farming is about to be ended by an upcoming carbon tax.

The police had sent the two youngest and blondest female cops they could find to the market to mill around and smile at people. In police lingo, this is called "safety-creation." You have to hand it to the fuss on this one, the marketgoers were exactly the kind of people who would feel reassured by the sight of cops. Apart from a Native American guy selling pan pipes and dreamcatchers, we hadn't seen a single non-white person among the guests and merchants. We would soon find out why.

A bearded man in his 60's, wearing glasses and a baseball cap, went on stage singing and playing a Stratocaster. He was covering popular 1980s and 1990s pop songs, the kind anyone coming of age in Denmark during those years would know. Was he any good? Certainly not. Was he good enough for the job? Absolutely. He even had the courtesy to move his head away from the microphone whenever there were notes his voice couldn't reach. A few older people were dancing in front of the stage, the sun was shining, and the mood was good.

We browsed the stalls to see what was on offer. The shopkeepers' attitude towards taxation was best described by the "We love cash!" sign prominently displayed at one stall. The goods fell into two categories: old stuff and new stuff.

In the old stuff category, items ranged from garage sale junk to what you’d expect in low-tier antique stores. Several stalls sold old hand tools in varying states of disrepair. One stand's inventory looked like the going-out-of-business sale of a 1995 hardware store teleported to the present day.

The new stuff category offered goods you can't find in proper shops: the world's fakest football jerseys, cigarette lighters with skulls on them, a live poodle, cigarette lighters shaped like guns, supplies for dog and horse ownership, USB-charged cigarette lighters, 20 dollar Gucci watches, and cigarette lighters shaped like muscle cars with watch movements in them. There was also an abundance of food products of inscrutable provenance that were either disgusting health and safety hazards and/or much better than anything you would ever get in supermarkets.

As we browsed the stalls my partner noticed that shopkeepers were treating her weirdly. Being born and raised in Denmark and having a name so stereotypically Danish that JK Rowling could have come up with it, she has also inherited her stunning black hair and slightly darker skin tone from an Italian grandparent. People often mistake her for being Turkish or otherwise non-white. In the immigrant-run stores at home, this usually results in nice discounts, but here, it was a different story.

The shopkeepers clearly didn't like her. When I or our friend looked at the goods, they were nice or indifferent. But when my partner did the same, they immediately stopped what they were doing to closely watch her, as if she might steal their old silverware or porcelain figurines. They had decided she was one of "them." One shopkeeper directly asked her to leave, while another angrily told her to "talk Danish" when she spoke Italian to our kid.

We were deep in the heart of whiteness, so it wasn't surprising to see the Home Guard had set up a stall. The Home Guard is a Cold War relic of civilians LARPing as soldiers a few weekends a year. They offer the easiest way to get a gun and a uniform in Denmark, accepting those too fat and out of shape for the police or military. They hold a special place in the hearts of chuds, some of whom fantasize about being the white vanguard in an upcoming race war.

Their stall featured a jeep and an assortment of rifles, all firmly secured to the table with chains, that the public could hold. We were greeted by a woman in military uniform who looked the exact opposite of how you imagine the ideal elite soldier. "Come in!" she said, immediately trying to recruit me for the defense of the fatherland by enthusiastically mentioning that they had enlistment forms inside. I smiled and nodded.

Unlike me who have not even been a boyscout, my partner over spent a few months as a recruit and she is familiar with military hardware. "Do you have an M/75 in there?" she asked, referring to the long-time standard-issue rifle of the Danish military. "We have all sorts of stuff in there!" The Home Guard woman said, clearly confused. I am not sure if her confusion was caused by the technical nature of the question being above her expertise or if she was thrown off by the question coming from my partner and not from me.

Our kids had great fun holding the guns and my partner reached for her phone to take some pictures. "You can't do that!" the Home Guard guy overseeing the stall said. If pictures of children holding guns was posted to social media it could "hurt the image"of the Home Guard, we were told. The guy explained to my partner that "we don't have child soldiers in Denmark", as if that needed clarification.

We didn't want to stay after this visit to the people keeping us safe from Putin. The vibes in that area were nasty and my partner felt unsafe. We went across the road to the other hand of the grounds and things were a lot better there. We began to see other skin colours than pig pink and people were noticeably less nasty. Signs of civilization like kebab stalls and Asian grocers emerged.

We went to the area where the kids could try different rides. The rides were mostly operated by seasonal workers from Eastern Europe and each ride was blasting it's own playlist of either current hits or 1980's Eurovision songs into the air. As the kids were having fun in a bouncy castle next to the employees' restrooms I noticed how the restrooms were segregated with one reserved for Danish and Polish workers and the two others for Romanian workers.

After the kids had finished their rides we needed refreshments so we went into a big beer tent and sat down at an empty table scattered with the remnants of several of the giant hot dogs, giant burgers and giant kebabs offered for sale nearby. You don't buy normal-sized food at events live this. We looked at the beverages offered, a few sodas, beer by the buckets and lots of moronic shots sold in tiny tubes, and decided that we had had enough for today and that we would grab something to drink from McDonalds. On our way home instead. As we exited the grounds I noticed how someone had been so overjoyed by the selection of beverages offered at the market that they had emptied the contents of their stomach beneath the sign at the entrance.

Spending a day like this, connecting to my cultural roots, was an educating experience and I am happy to report that I had so much authentic Danish folkishness that I will not need to go again any time soon.

The elder tree held a magical reputation in Western European folklore, deeply intertwined with goddess cults such as those of Venus and the Norse fertility goddess Freya. In Scandinavia, planting an elder near your house, especially by the kitchen, was believed to protect the home and fill it with love. Elders were thought to be immune to lightning strikes, offering further protection. The tree was also seen as a portal to the spirit realm; standing under an elder on midsummer eve supposedly enabled one to see the king of the elves.

Elder was highly valued in folk medicine despite its mild toxicity. The plant contains prussic acid, which can cause vomiting or diarrhea in small doses. It was believed that elder bark cut from the bottom upwards acted as an emetic, while bark cut from the top downwards served as a laxative. The flowers and berries were used to treat colds and flus. To ward off evil spirits and relieve toothache, people would put a twig from an elder tree in their mouths.

However, one couldn't just take from an elder tree without consequences. The tree was believed to be inhabited by an Elder Mother or Elder Woman, a protective spirit (some say she originated as a localised version of Freya) who would avenge any harm done to the tree. People would ask her for permission three times before picking out cutting anything from the tree. Cutting down an elder without planting a new one was considered bad luck, with folk stories recounting the deaths of those who did so, presumably at the hands of a vengeful Elder Mother.

The Elder Mother also disapproved of using elder wood for furniture or tools. Stories tell of her disturbing babies who slept in cots made from elder wood or in rooms with elder paneling by pulling their legs. However, if treated with respect, the Elder Mother, and sometimes an entire elder family with elder women, men, and children, would help busy housewives by churning butter or polishing copperware at night.

Some stories even tell of the elder tree itself being sentient and animate, with one story from Copenhagen telling of how the elder tree in a courtyard would move to a new position every night and look through the windows of the rooms inside.

The Elder Mother exemplifies traditional Germanic belief in wights, collective spirits or deities connected to a locality like a landscape, river, or farmhouse, and sometimes to families or bloodlines. Wights are neither good nor evil but are forces of nature to be reckoned with. Respect them, and they will help you; disrespect them, and they can destroy you.

Back in February we paid to get new tires on the car. One of them has been leaky for the last couple of months, something I've continually been putting in the "I'll deal with it later" pile as topping up the air once a week was easier and cheaper than dealing with it.

Now the damn tire is flat. The roadside repair guy said that the tire was soft and decayed. I'm 75% sure that a new tire is not supposed to do that so soon.

Now I'm wondering if the mechanic put on old tires or if I've been an idiot by not getting the tie fixed in time and the frequent deflation/inflation cycles has ruined the thing.

Edit: Fucking hell! The code on the tire says it's from 2007! What the fuck? The damn car went through inspection and everything with that antique on.

I made myself chana Masala for dinner tonight using this recipe. It is awesome! The perfect blend between warm hot spices and soft chickpeas.

I didn't know about amchur powder until a couple of months ago but oh my God it is good! It is dried unripe mango and gives a fruity acidity to anything you add it to. The tanginess from the amchur really brings the dish together and elevates it from being just chickpeas and canned tomatoes into something amazing.

Early modern South Scandinavian folklore tells of the Gravso (grave sow), also called Gloso (glowing sow), Glumso (gloom sow) or Church Sow when sighted near a church.

First mentioned by a Copenhagen priest in 1587, the Grave Sow is described as a large boar or pig, often with long bristles and sometimes headless. Her eyes are red or glowing. Some stories tell of the back of the Grave Sow being razor sharp and able to cleave a man in half if the sow runs between his legs. She is often seen near the churchyard but can also be found in other places like near highways. Sometimes she is followed by a farrow of seven or twelve piglets.

The Grave Sow would come out at night, especially on dates considered magical. Seeing or even hearing the Grave Sow was often considered an omen of death or calamity and people who saw the her sometimes fell sick or lost their minds. Some stories tell of the people and horses being spellbound by the sow and suffering memory loss. Some accounts tell of the Grave Sow being especially dangerous to people carrying pouches made from pig bladders or clothing made from pig leather.

The Grave Sow has many similarities with other ominous revenant animals connected to churches but unlike creatures like the Hel-horses which legend has was horses that had been buried alive and sacrificed during construction of the church, the Grave Sow was believed to be the spirit of an unbaptised illegitimate child that had been born in secrecy and buried. It followed that a Grave Sow could be laid to rest by finding the remains of the child and given them a proper Christian burial. Common for many supernatural phenomena of the day, the Christian god was believed to be able to protect believers from the Grave Sow, like in one story where a peasant makes the Grave Sow disappear by reciting the lord's prayer.

I have been bothered by some mild sciatica for the past week, probably brought about by two days of long-distance driving during a recent family vacation.

I have sore spot on my right side close to the spine that sometimes sends jolts of pain when I walk. I've had it before and seen a doctor about it who confirmed it to be harmless although annoying.

Do anyone have some good examples of good stretches to do in this situation? Most of what I could find online targets the muscles slightly below where my pain is located and doesn't seen to reach the spot that hurts.

And now for the rant:

When using Google to find information, the results were full of SEO optimised links to physical therapists and chiropractors trying to sell me stuff. Among all the bullshit I managed to find a page about it on a public healthcare site where very little effort had been made to make the text pop up in search engines.

The text was written by a named specialist and cited sources. It said that there's little to do about mild sciatica besides keeping active, improving workplace ergonomics, taking OTC painkillers and waiting for it to go away by itself. It was honest about that most of the time it was impossible to explain exactly what mechanism causes the pain. It said that there's no documentated effect of heat or cold and explicitly advised against lumbar support bandages.

I then visited one of the commercial sites, hoping to find some stretches to do. And what was the first thing I saw? Without giving any sources they claimed that cold packs and lumbar support bandages are effective and tried selling them to me.

The individual private physiotherapist might be good at their job and able to help people but the profit motive incentives them to upsell people snake oil and quackery. This in turn makes everything they say less trustworthy. It might very well be that you can benefit from some product they are selling in some situations but you can never be sure whether they're advising you to use it because they want your money or because it is actually going to do you any good.

Meanwhile medical doctors, who almost all operate within a single payer public healthcare system around here are one of the most trusted professions since you know that the likelihood of them having ulterior motives is very low. (Don't get me wrong, there's plenty of problems with classism, racism, sexism and God-complexes in the medical profession but at least your GP is not trying to inspect your wallet)

I feel stressed and overwhelmed with the constant amount of stuff I have to do all the time. There's work, there's family, there's chores, there's personal finances, there's my health, there's personal relations, there's a thousand little things that screams for my attention. Somewhere in there there's also the desire to one day relax and maybe do something because I want to do it instead of it being something I have to do.

There's just so much and the pile of tasks keeps growing and growing. I don't have the time and energy to do half of what I feel I'm supposed to do and almost no time and energy to do what I have to do. I'm exhausted and stressed and I feel guilty all the time for letting people down.

I feel like I never have the time to do things right or to handle the problems that are draining my time and energy. Instead I'm constantly running around and putting out fires. If I were to put enough time and effort into actually improving some of the things that are stressing me it would mean I would have to let go somewhere else and suffer the ramifications.

I was diagnosed with ADHD a few years back. I got meds and they have improved things a lot but nobody helped me figure out how to organise daily life with ADHD. I don't even know if time management would help, I don't waste my time, I get things done, I just never get enough things done. And besides, what good is a schedule if there's constantly some external factor demanding a change of plans?

How do you manage this?